Tag Archives: Saquib Salim

Umar Sobhani supplied yarn from his mill for Gandhi’s swadeshi movement

BOMBAY (Mumbai) / PRE-INDEPENDENT INDIA :

“He (Mahatma Gandhi) said that while he did not think that Umar Sobhani was a revolutionary, he was frank and open by nature and he (Gandhi) thought that if Umar felt convinced that a revolution was the best way to secure the well-being of India, he would not hesitate to adopt such methods. He thought that in such a case Umar Sobhani would plainly tell him (Gandhi) of his intentions…” This is what Mahatma Gandhi was reported to have told to C.I.D on 8 May 1919 during a police interrogation.

Unsung Heroes of Freedom Struggle

Sobhani was a rich businessman from Mumbai who traded in cotton and joined the freedom struggle early in his life.

Those who take an interest in Mahatma Gandhi consider Young India, an English journal edited by Gandhi, and Navajivan, a Gujarati journal, as his voice. Interestingly, these journals were started by Sobhani who later cajoled Gandhi to take charge as the editor.

Rajmohan Gandhi, one of the grandsons of Mahatma Gandhi, notes, “Three of the Sabarmati ‘covenanters’, Umar Sobhani, Shankerlal Banker and Indulal Yagnik, were between them bringing out two journals, Young India, a weekly in English from Bombay, and Navajivan, a monthly in Gujarati from Ahmedabad, and were also associated with the nationalist daily, the Bombay Chronicle. At the end of April, in one of the Raj’s drastic measures, Horniman, the British editor of the Chronicle, was deported, and the paper’s publication had to be suspended.

“In response, Sobhani, Banker, and Yagnik requested Gandhi to take over the editorship of Young India and Navajivan and with their help bring out Young India twice a week and Navajivan every week. Gandhi agreed, and on 7 May 1919 the first number of Young India, New Series, came out. When, soon, the Chronicle resumed publication, Young India reverted to being a weekly but now published, for Gandhi’s convenience, in Ahmedabad, along with Navajivan, which first appeared as a weekly on 7 September.

“Gandhi now possessed what he had hoped for from the moment of his return to India: vehicles to communicate his message.”

Charkha (spinning wheel) is a synonym for Mahatma Gandhi and his movement and Sobhani played an instrumental role in making it a success. Rajmohan writes, “Indian spinning mills wanted to turn all their yarn into mill-made cloth, not sell it to hand-weavers. Gandhi therefore asked associates to search for spinning wheels that could make yarn. At the Godhra conference in November. 1917, a woman called Gangaben Majmudar, who had ‘already got rid of the curse of untouchability and fearlessly moved among and served the suppressed classes’ (A 442), promised him that she would locate a wheel.

“She found not one but hundreds in Vijapur in the princely state of Baroda, all lying in attics as ‘useless lumber’ (A 443). Women who in the past plied the charkhas told Gangaben that they would spin again if someone supplied slivers of cotton and bought their yarn.

Gandhi said he would meet the conditions, his friend Umar Sobhani supplied slivers from his Bombay mill, and the ashram received more hand-spun yarn than it could cope with.”

Sobhani was one of the original 20 signatories of the pledge to oppose the Rowlatt Act. The pledge was prepared by Gandhi at his Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad. Along with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Sobhani was one of the associates of Gandhi who backed him against the old guards in Congress on the question of the non-cooperation movement in 1918.

K. R. Malkani, a former R.S.S stalwart and BJP leader, writes, “Gandhiji’s right-hand man in Bombay in the 1921 movement was Umar Sobhani. The first bonfire of one and a half lakh pieces of choicest silk was ignited by Gandhi in Umar’s mill compound in Parel.

“When Gandhiji decided to collect Rs. 1 crore for Tilak Swaraj Fund, Umar offered to contribute the entire amount, but Gandhiji wanted it collected from a large number of people. But even so, Umar contributed Rs. 3 lacs.

“Umar was a big cotton merchant. When the British came to know of his role in the Freedom Movement, they ran special trainloads of cotton to Bombay by Viceregal order. As a result, cotton prices collapsed in Bombay and Umar suffered a loss of Rs. 3.64 crores. Daan-Vir Sobhani ended his life.

“Earlier the British tried to divide the family. At their instance, Umar’s father, Haji Yusuf Sobhani contested the office of Sheriff of Bombay. Umar worked. against his father and had him defeated. Later the British tried to tempt Yusuf Sobhani with a knighthood, but Umar told his father that he could accept the title only “over my dead body.” Today probably not even people living on Sobhani Road, Cuffe Parade, Bombay, know who the great Sobhani was!”

Sobhani used to lead the marches in Mumbai, arrange the meetings of Gandhi, and raise funds for the political agitations against the English. Gandhi, according to the police reports, used to call him one of the props of the satyagraha in Mumbai. 

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Saquib Salim / July 31st, 2024

Muslims witness positive surge in Padma Awards

INDIA:

Shareef Chacha who receivedPadma Shri award from President
Shareef Chacha who received Padma Shri award from President

A few days ago, when President Ram Nath Kovind presented Padma Awards, the Social Media went abuzz with claims that the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government has transformed an earlier elite award into a people’s award. Awardees like Tulsi Gowda, Mohammad Sharif, Bhuri Bai, and others represent those who had worked at the grass-root level. Earlier the award was mostly given to a select band of people who had access to corridors of power in Lutyen’s Delhi; many deserving Indians were ignored.

The optics of Padma awards and the chatter around it made me look into the veracity of these claims. As an Indian Muslim, my primary interest was to understand that how Muslims are represented at the Padma Awards over the year and if there was a change in the attitude of the givers of the awards. The first Padma Awards were presented in 1954. So far, 4,827 persons have been conferred the awards. Muslims are under-represented in these awards. With a population share of around 14%, only 7.5% of the awardees were Muslims, including some foreigners. However, the list of awardees for the years 2020 and 2021 that were conferred on recently, Muslims had all the time higher share. The two lists had 24 of the 260 Padma Awardees who are Muslims, 9.23%.

Padma Vibhushan

Coming to Padma Awards, the second-highest civilian honour after Bharat Ratna, that and is awarded for exceptional and distinguished services, I worked with figures of Muslims over the years since 1954. So far 321 people have been bestowed upon Padma Vibhushan. If we look at different regimes, it’s interesting to note that Muslims fared worse during the PV Narasimha Rao-led Congress government and Janata Dal governments of 1997 – 98. During these six years, out of a total of 14 Padma Vibhushan, no Muslim name figured in the list of the prestigious awardees. Interestingly, only 2 Muslims receive the award in 9 years of Jawaharlal Nehru’s premiership. One of them was Zakir Husain, who was later awarded a Bharat Ratna as well. Indira Gandhi oversaw 14 Padma award ceremonies during her two spells as Prime Minister and in this period, 7 Muslims were among a total of 73 honoured. Ten years of Manmohan Singh-led UPA government witnessed 6 Muslims receiving the award, while 5 Muslims received it in seven years of the Narendra Modi-led BJP government. Considering a category of PMs who completed a full term, 13.33% of Padma Vibhushan were awarded to Muslims during the Rajiv Gandhi era followed by Narendra Modi, in whose times 10.64% of the awards went to Muslims. 

Padma Bhushan

Padma Bhushan is awarded for distinguished service of higher order. To date, 1281, including 95 Muslims, people have received this award. This is at 7.42%, not commiserating with their population. Like Padma Vidhushan, no Muslim was awarded Padma Bhushan in 1997 and 1998. During Nehru’s time (1954-63) 14 Muslims of the total 156 received the award. The Muslim show was very dismal in the first five years of the present regime with one award for the community. However, in the last two editions, we saw 4 Muslims being awarded Padma Bhushan. Of 26 awardees in the two years, 15.38% were Muslims.

Padma Shri

Padma Shri, awarded for distinguished service has since been conferred on 3,225 Persons. In the first 9 editions, only 9 Muslims were among 187 recipients. A period from 1966 to 1983, saw increased representation when 62 (out of 775), awardees were Muslims (9.29%). In the next five years, 23 more Muslims were awarded and it rose to 10.70%. In the 90s, Muslims representation dipped below 5% as fewer Muslims received Padma Shri. In the last two editions, 8.64% of the recipients were Muslims, a very positive surge that creates optimism.

The figures represent only a larger picture. A closer look reveals that a changed nomination policy for Padma Awards is at work. In 2017, the government opened the nominations for the common Indians as against the system of ministers and members of the government forwarding the names and a committee headed by the PM finalising the list of awardees. The government’s social media campaigns encouraged the people to nominate genuinely deserving and unsung heroes. Earlier, the system encouraged the well-connected people with links to the corridors of power to be nominated and get awarded.

In the new policy, people working at the grassroots are being nominated by the common man. As a result, we see people like Ali Manikfan, Abdul Ghafur Khatri, Mohammad Sharif, and Shahabuddin Rathod receiving the Padma awards. Apart from the fact that there is a positive surge in Muslim representation in these awards, the awards have grown to be more inclusive. Muslims from lower castes, backward regions, and non-elite backgrounds are being honoured. Larger participation of communities and people living at the margins, on social media has ensured that people working among them, and from them, are recognized. 

(Saquib Salim is a Writer and a Historian)

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Saquib Salim / February 2022

Who was Nishat un Nisa Begum who discarded purdah during freedom movement

UTTAR PRADESH:

“I appeal to the youth of this country that they sit at the feet of this goddess (Nishat un Nisa Begum) to learn the lessons of independence and perseverance.” Famous Indian writer Brij Narayan Chakbast wrote this in 1918 about the freedom fighter Nishat un Nisa Begum.

People knew more about her husband Maulana Hasrat Mohani, who coined the slogan Inquilab Zindabad (Long live revolution). Historians have kept Nishat, like many other women, at the margins of historical narratives. She existed not as a protagonist but as a supporting actor in a play that had her husband as the protagonist.

This happened even though Hasrat admitted that he would have remained an apolitical editor if he had not married her. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad likened her to “a mountain of determination and patience.” Mahatma Gandhi also acknowledged a key role in the Non-Cooperation Movement. By no stretch of the imagination, she was a dependent woman and owed her existence to Hasrat.

Born in Lucknow in 1885, Nishat was home tutored, as was the custom of those times. She knew Urdu, Arabic, Persian, and English. Even before she married Hasrat in 1901 was teaching girls from backward sections of the society at her home. Marriage exposed her to the world of politics. Nishat and Hasrat were among the first Muslims in India to join Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s extremist group of Congress and open a Swadeshi shop in Aligarh. In 1903, the couple started a nationalist Urdu newspaper ‘Urdu e Mualla’. The British did not like it and jailed Hasrat in 1908. After his release, the couple resumed the newspaper. The newspaper had only two employees – Nishat and Hasrat.

Hasrat was again jailed during the First World War. Nishat, who like other Muslim women of her times, used to take a veil, came out in public to defend her husband in the court trial. She wrote letters to leaders, and articles in newspapers, and removed her veil while visiting courts. To go out of one’s house without a purdah was a courageous act.

Hasrat’s friend Pandit Kishan Parshad Kaul wrote, “She (Nishat) took this courageous step at a time when the veil was a symbol of dignity not only among Muslim women but among Hindu women as well”.

In those times Congress and other organizations used to raise public funds to help the families of jailed freedom fighters. Nishat declined to accept her share from it. Pandit Kishan Parshad recalled later that in 1917 when he once visited her in Aligarh he saw her living in abject poverty. Being a friend of Hasrat, he offered her money. Nishat told him, “I am happy with whatever I have”. She later asked him if he could help her in selling the Urdu books printed by their defunct press.

Kishan Parshad told Shiv Prasad Gupta, another prominent freedom fighter from Lucknow about Nishat’s condition. Gupta didn’t take a moment to write a cheque to purchase all the books from Nishat.

When Edwin Montagu visited India in 1917, Nishat was among the representatives of the All India Women’s Conference (AIWC) to meet him. In the meeting, she demanded that all the freedom fighters be released from jail.

Nishat had abandoned the purdah for good. In 1919, she attended the Amritsar Congress session after the Jallianwala Massacre and impressed everyone with her passionate speeches. A Muslim woman, without purdah and participating in politics at par with her husband, she was noticed as a “comrade of Hasrat.”

Nishat and Hasrat were sure that asking for concessions from the British was futile. They moved a resolution for Purna Swaraj (Complete Independence) and not a dominion status at the Ahmedabad session of Congress in 1921 as the party’s goal. Nishat spoke in support of the motion. The resolution was defeated as Mahatma Gandhi opposed the idea. Eight years later, Congress adopted the Purna Swaraj as its goal.

Hasrat was again jailed in 1922 and this time Nishat attended the Congress Session at Gaya without him. She eloquently opposed the participation of Congress members in the Legislative Councils. She said those who wanted complete independence from British rule could not dream of entering the assemblies formed by them.

According to Prof. Abida Samiuddin, Nishat’s politics did not depend on Hasrat alone. She was the first Muslim woman to address a Congress Session. Her work for the popularisation of Swadeshi, the All India Women Conference, correspondences with the nationalist leaders, articles in newspapers, public speeches, and other political activities are proof that she carried her identity in the Indian Freedom Struggle. She was active in workers’ movements till her death in 1937.   

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Saquib Salim / May 14th, 2023

Shaukat of INA liberated Manipur on 14 April, 1944

Moirang (Manipur), ASSAM:

INA memorial at Moirang, Manipur
INA memorial at Moirang, Manipur

“The Indian National Army (INA) has now crossed the Indo-Burmese border and in the course of the struggle for the liberation of the people of India from the British Yoke, we have now reached Moirang, the ancient citadel of Manipur. Our commitment is the march to Delhi and the unfurling of the Tricolour Flag then at Lal Quila.

Many had died on our way to reach near Moirang and many would die on our way to Delhi. However, the expulsion of the enemy from the sacred soil of India is a compulsion for us… Freedom of India is very near and near at hand. We shall win it and we shall have progress and prosperity of the people of India after it.” Colonel Shaukat Ali Malik of Azad Hind Fauj addressed these words to a large gathering at Moirang in Manipur on 14 April 1944 after hoisting the National Tricolour. In this way, Moirang became the first liberated territory of India, which came under the administration of Azad Hind Sarkar headed by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. 

Col. Malik led INA’s victory march over Moirang, liberated the Indian territory, unfurled the national flag, and established a national government.

In his recently published book, Professor Kapil Kumar wrote, “Col. Malik while commanding the Unit, always led from the front and displayed Great feats of Bravery in difficulties achieving successes at various places. Netaji conferred upon him the great honour of Tamgha-e-Sardar-e-Jang.”

Kumar also lists several Indians from Manipur who joined INA forces. Prominent among them were Mairembam Koireng Singh, who later became CM of Manipur, and Naqi Ahmed Chaudhary, an INA soldier from Manipur who helped Col. Malik with the local language and terrain.  

But, the importance of this operation goes beyond the hoisting of the flag and establishment of civilian government. 

In the official newsletter of Azad Hind Fauj, Dr. M. R. Vyas one of the most trusted men of Netaji explained the importance of the victory of Moirang. He wrote, “When the INA first entered India, it appeared as if they would launch a direct assault on Imphal, the capital of Manipur. The British, in this expectation, concentrated powerful forces, consisting of 3 divisions and 2 motorized brigades at Imphal. However, the INA troops avoided any such frontal attack which would necessarily have meant big losses. Instead, the Indian and the Japanese High Command planned for the rendering impotent of a powerful enemy force by encircling it.” 

So, the capture of Moirang “brought about the virtual encirclement of Imphal, thus rendering an entire British force of 60,000 – 80,000 men impotent of launching a major counter-offensive. This force became dependent on air supplies, which, from their very nature, are limited and insufficient for big operations.” 

The plan was to further annihilate this British force with the onset of Monsoons. For more than two months, INA under Col. Malik remained in total control and kept attacking the British posts from there. The British would have faced a humiliating defeat if US Air Force wouldn’t come to their rescue. 

More than 100 US fighter planes bombed Moirang and Bishnupur in Manipur. Fleets of B-25, P-51, and A-31 started bombing INA positions and civilians on 8 May 1944. Hundreds of these US fighter planes bombed civilian areas, INA positions, bridges connecting Myanmar to Manipur, and any supply line available to the Indians. The scale of US operations in Moirang is a testimony to the importance of this victory. 

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Saquib Salim / April 14th, 2023

Ajmer Dargah’s role in Indian Freedom Struggle

Ajmer, RAJASTHAN:

Dargah of Khawaja Moinudin Chisty during the annual Urs

“The Dargah (Ajmer Sharif) is undoubtedly a danger-center….the sedition is more or less confined to the Dargah and that it is very difficult to get evidence of what goes on there.” The Above excerpt is from a secret report submitted to the British Government by Intelligence officials in 1922.

A common man may not think that the Dargahs, shrines, and Sufi centers were at the forefront of the Indian Freedom Struggle. For reasons unknown, most people believe that Ajmer Dargah played no, or little, role in the struggle. The fact is that it acted as a center of nationalist activities so much so that the British Government snooped over the activities in Dargah.

The official committee which was formed after Jallianwala Bagh Massacre in its findings pointed out that the Indians were planning a popular uprising against the British. The plan was discussed by nationalists at the Urs under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Bari Firangimahli. 

The spies regularly updated the government on the nationalist activities in the Dragah. In 1920 they reported that more than 5,000 people attended a meeting at Idgah which was addressed by Lala Chand Karan who asked people to fight the British because they promote cow slaughter, massacred people in Punjab, and cause disunity between Muslims and Hindus. The same report notes that the Pesh Imam of the Ajmer Dargah prayed for the defeat of the British after which Maulvi Moinuddin asked people to renounce the titles bestowed upon them by foreign rulers.

Another report from 1921 notes that anti-British speeches were being delivered at the Dargah during Friday prayers.

In 1922, intelligence officers again reported that Urs at the Dargah would be an occasion where the nationalists would be meeting to discuss nationalist ideas.

An intelligence report from 1922 contains the most explosive information. The report claimed that Muslims and Hindus in Rajputana had taken an oath of allegiance with Maulvi Moinuddin of Ajmer. Under his instructions, they were preparing for a war against the British.

An armed militant organisation Jamiat ul-Thaba was founded and arms had been procured from different places in the country. Jamiat ul-Thaba passed a resolution and declared that the British were enemies of religion, nation, and country and that revenge would be taken from them.

75 years have passed since Independence and most of us are unaware of the role of Ajmer Dargah in winning this independence. 

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Story / by Saquib Salim / April 02nd, 2023

In 1962 Mohammed Rafi cheered troops on China border

Mumbai, MAHARASHTRA /ALL INDIA :

Mohammad Rafi and Dilip Kumar
Mohammad Rafi and Dilip Kumar

Contrary to the popular notion that wars are fought by the armies alone, the whole nation including Bollywood personalities and leading artists get involved in the national efforts to fight the enemy.

The Chinese invasion in October 1962 was a shocking moment for India. Traditionally, India had supported China at every international forum for at least half a century. The invasion was the least expected from China and India was not at all prepared for it. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru urged the nation to stand united in that hour of emergency and in response Indians donated generously to the National Defence Fund.

The film industry did not lag. Film Industry’s war efforts were led by legendary filmmaker Mehboob, singer Mohammed Rafi and music composer Mohammed Zahur Khayyam Hashmi (Khayyam).

In less than a week they collaborated to produce two music videos, which were to be played in film theaters, on the radio, and on the roadsides to raise funds for the war.

One of those two songs, “Awaz do hum ek hain…”, by Jaan Nisar Akhtar is now a popular political slogan in India. On Nehru’s call to the nation, Jaan Nissar Akhtar wrote the song to which music was given by Khayyam and the voice by Mohammad Rafi. The song is an invocation to Indians to unite in the face of an invader became a national passion and remains so till today.

The song starts with:

ek hai apni zameen, ek hai apna gagan

ek hai apna jahaan, ek hai apna watan

apne sabhi sukh ek hai, apne sabhi gham ek hai

Aawaz do ham ek hai

(We have a common earth, we have a common sky

We have a common world, we have a common motherland

All our joys are common, all our sorrows are common

Say it aloud that we are one!)

The powerful lyrics were turned into a national rage by the soulful singing of Rafi. Jago watan khatre me hai, sara chaman khatre me hai (wake up our motherland is under threat, whole garden is under siege) and dushman se nafrat farz hau, ghar ki hifazat farz hai (hating your enemy is a duty, to guard your home is a duty), aroused patriotic emotions among millions of Indians. The song asks the youth to join the army and fight the aggressor.

The song was picturized on Rajendra Kumar, Sunil Dutt, Raj Kumar, and Kamal Jeet.

Another song produced along with this was written by Sahir Ludhianvi, “watan ki abroo khatre main hai…” (dignity of the nation is under threat). It was also produced by Mehboob and sung by Mohammed Rafi. The song specifically points to the Panchsheel pact and other friendly gestures made by India towards China. It says,

Wo jinko saadgi mein hamne

Aankhon par bithhaaya thha

Wo jinko bhai kehkar

Hamne seene se lagaaya thha

Wo jinki gardanon mein haar

Baahon ka pehnaaya thha

Ab unki gardanon ke waaste

Talwaar ho jaao

(The people we honoured because of our innocence

The people we embraced and called brothers

The people we received with love

Now, do become swords for their throats)

The song also points toward the internal threats at the time of war.

Khabar rakhna koi gaddaar

Saazish kar nahin paaye ae

Nazar rakhna koi zaalim

Tijori bhar nahin paaye ae

(Be vigilant that no traitor conspires against the nation

Be vigilant that nobody makes money out of our war efforts)

The song was picturized on Dilip Kumar, Rajendra Kumar, Raj Kumar, and Kamal Jeet in a video produced by Mehboob.

Lorries with speakers would roam around playing these songs and prompting people to donate generously. It is said that when one such procession reached the house of Shammi Kapoor his wife actor Geeta Bali started crying. She rushed inside her house and told Shammi that she needed to do something for the nation. Geeta took all her jewelry, even the pieces she wore, and gave it away for war.

Rafi felt that singing in the safety of Mumbai was a disgrace in the line of his national duty. He discussed with Dilip Kumar and urged PM Nehru to send them to the border. What would they do there? Rafi felt that his songs could boost the morale of Indian soldiers and the presence of Dilip Kumar would assure the troops that the whole nation is standing behind them.

It was a dangerous mission. It was unprecedented for the artists to perform at the war front. In the cold, Rafi and Dilip reached the war frontier. He sang songs, interacted with soldiers, and boosted their morale. Dilip Kumar later recalled, “needless to say he was the star attraction with the jawans and the young newly commissioned officers”.

After the war ended with a ceasefire the collected funds were used to recover the economy and modernizing the Army.

On 27 January 1963, Mehboob organized an event in Delhi where he invited.all the prominent film stars to perform in the presence of President S Radhakrishnan and PM Jawaharlal Nehru. The event is often remembered for the rendition of “Aey mere watan ke logo…” by Lata Mangeshkar and Mohammad Rafi sang two songs. One was written by Shakeel Badayuni and its music was composed by Naushad, “Apni azadi ko hum hargiz mita sakte nahi.” The song was later adapted into the film Leader and the other was “Kar chale hum fida….” written by Kaifi Azmi and composed by Madan Mohan, which was later adopted in Haqeeqat, a movie based on the India-China war.

The fact that Rafi went to the war frontier and stayed there for a few days to play what turned out to be a big morale booster for the troops remains an unprecedented manifestation of one’s sense of responsibility towards his country.

source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Culture / by Saquib Salim / December 24th, 2022