Tag Archives: Prof Rizwan Qaiser

Maulana Azad’s Profound Legacy in Education at Ranchi Facing Extinction

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Ranchi, JHARKHAND :

It is ironical that, just in the year of its centenary, the historic Madrasa Islamiya of Ranchi, founded by Maulana Azad (1888-1958) in 1917, is facing extinction. The BJP government of Jharkhand is reportedly contemplating to strangulate it to death by withdrawing its affiliation/recognition as well as fund. Much of the land of the institution has either been encroached upon or been sold out, by the self-serving Muslims, influential in the management of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, which runs almost 12 subsidiary institutions, including the Madrasa Islamiya. In 1987, it formed a subsidiary called, “Muslim Higher Education Society”, which added a degree college named after Maulana Azad. This Muslim minority college is recognised and funded by the government of Jharkhand. It has got around 500 students.

The management of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya stands divided between two warring factions, respectively by Haji Ibrar and Haji Nesar. The latter is supposed to be making too much of interferences into the functioning of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya. Sections of local population admire Haji Ibrar for having done a lot for the Anjuman; they are supposed to have recently purchased a land few kilometres away from Ranchi, where the Azad College is likely to be shifted.

Because of this dispute, mainly around composition of the electoral college of the Anjuman, election for the managing committee of the Anjuman has not been held since last November. According to the bye-laws of the Anjuman, every three years elections are supposed to be held.  Convenor for the election from the provincial government is the Chairman, Jharkhand Waqf Board. The government has not appointed any Chairman since 2014. In its place, an ad hoc CEO is there for the Waqf Board. He has not shown much interest in resolving the dispute, and convening elections, as per the bye-laws of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya. There are various petitions lying before the CEO regarding the composition of the electoral college. The factionalism is also around caste (Biradri). Haji Ibrar is supposed to be representing the Ashrafiya Muslims, whereas Haji Nesar is supposed to be representing Pasmanda (mainly the community of Kalaal) Muslims.      

The property (including the buildings) of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, located in the commercially significant, prime location of the city of Ranchi, has got around 200 shops. Because of self-serving factionalism within the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, the rent of the shops is kept so very nominal and unrealistic that the Anjuman deprives itself of huge revenue. The Anjuman-e-Islamiya also runs a 60 bed, relatively better-furnished, hospital, besides the Rahmaniya Musafirkhana, existing since the days of Maulana Azad. This is a separate (now a four-storey) building. Few years ago, with some fund from the Local Area Development Scheme of the local Parliamentarian, this building has been renovated. It has added a library, a study circle, etc.

There has been some efforts towards getting the main building of the Anjuman-e-Islamiya declared as National Monument, but to no avail, as yet.

The Madrasa Islamiya, at present, has got 900 students, some of them are boarders too. This is an educational institution recognised and funded by the government of Jharkhand’s body, the Jharkhand Academic Council (JAC). Before the creation of the province of Jharkhand in 2000, this was recognised and funded by the Bihar State Madrasa Education Board (BSMEB, Patna), a statutory body of the government of Bihar. There were 126 such madrasas falling in what became Jharkhand. All the 126 madrasas continue to get fund from the Jharkhand government.  

After the creation of the province of Jharkhand in 2000, the Anjuman-e-Islamiya, with its ‘autonomy’, has been functioning under the administrative supervision of the Jharkhand Waqf Board.     

A Proud History of Anti-colonial Assertion

It is worth re-visiting the historical context in which the Madrasa Islamiya was founded and the ideal objectives its founder envisioned. For this, let us benefit from some historians, such as S. Irfan Habib and Rizwan Qaiser.

For his revolutionary activities, he was into, right since his early ages, Azad was externed from Calcutta in March 1916 under the Defence of India Regulation. In April 1916 he was sent to Ranchi. Influenced with Shyam Sundar Chakravarty (1869-1932) and Aurobindo Ghosh (1872-1950), the Maulana was involved in revolutionary struggle and was preparing for a violent overthrow of British rule. His “continuous exhortation of the Muslims towards education including political education which essentially meant building up self-confidence to resist British rule”, was inviting anxious watch of the colonial regime on him, says Qaiser.

During his internment at Ranchi, for nearly four years (1 April 1916-31 December 1919), Azad established an organization Anjuman-e-Islamiya in August 1917 which started the Madrasa Islamiya. In a list of thirty one donors, headed by Rai Saheb Thakur Das, Rais-i- Ranchi and Babu Jagatpal Sahai, vakil, were also there, among other people, from all walks of life, including Sheikh safdar Ali of Milki (Gaya), informs Prof. Rizwan Qaiser, in his research on the subject. He says that behind all these activities of Azad, the guiding motive was to spread the Islamic education among the less fortunate co-religionists at Ranchi and to mobilise his co-religionists towards the freedom movement. According to Qaiser, Maulana Azad had been thinking around the issues of education in sciences, and also on the medium of instruction, since as early as in 1902, as it comes out of some of the correspondences of Azad. 

For the Madrasa Islamiya, a 200 page long document of curricula was prepared by the Maulana Azad; the subjects such as English, mathematics, Indian geography, Indian history, history of Islam and sciences had to be introduced to bring it at par with the government run schools. Azad was very clear about the fact that no system of education could be complete unless the elements of Government University system were also to be introduced. Maulana Azad highlighted the importance of producing more educationists (Mutallemeen), rather than teachers (Muallemeen) alone. The education had to inculcate mazhabi ham-aahangi (mutual religious understanding) and rawadari (tolerance). He addressed from the Jama Masjid on every Friday, teaching them in Hubb-ul-Watani (patriotism), qaumi yekjahti (integration of nationalities), and Mushtareka Wataniyat (composite nationalism). The curricula were actually a part of the one prepared by Maulana Azad for the Madrasa Aliya of Calcutta (established in 1780 by Warren Hastings, mainly to study Arabic, Persian and Muslim Law; during 1826-36, it also taught medical sciences till the Calcutta Medical College was established in 1836;  in 2007 it was upgraded as University)

S. Irfan Habib tells us that under Ibn Khaldun’s influence, unquestioning acceptance of theology was something Azad wanted to rectify. Azad found the curricula in the pre-existing Islamic madrasas fundamentally narrow. Its significant omission was mathematics, which is the basis of science and technology. Azad agreed with Rousseau in his advocacy of the children’s necessity and ability to grasp the truth through their own insight.

Another significant influence on Maulana Azad, in the context of science and education was Sir Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur (1817-98), which attracted Azad towards modern education and modern science for the Muslims, as admitted by Azad, in his very eloquent convocation speech (February 1949) in the Aligarh Muslim University. This is another matter that on political questions, Azad had sharp differences against Sir Syed.

By way of recollection and re-dissemination, Azad’s profound contributions were put together when the National University of Education Planning and Administration (NUEPA), New Delhi, convened a seminar in 2009, and the essays were published in 2010. In the seminar, the then Speaker, Lok Sabha, Somnath Chatterjee, had described that Maulana Azad had re-emphasized the fivefold programme for the expansion of education in the country: These were (a) Universal compulsory basic education for all children of school age, (b) Social education for our adult illiterates, (c) Measures for improvement in the quality of and expansion of facilities for secondary and higher education, (d) Technical and scientific education on a scale adequate to the nation’s needs, and (e) Measures for the enrichment of the cultural life of the community by encouraging the arts and providing facilities for recreation and other amenities.

It is not without any reason that Nehru preferred to take Azad along, as his Education Minister, where he served with great distinction till his death in 1958. It is a lesser known fact that ever since Gokhale proposed in 1910 for right to compulsory free education, it was Azad who pursued it in the Constituent Assembly. Though, it was only as late as in 2009-10, that such a legislation (RTE) could actually be enacted.

During the colonial period unlike Uttar Pradesh, in Bihar, essentially speaking, there was not much of a difference between the votaries of modern education and those of the traditional learning. The Muslim elites of both the streams in Bihar cooperated with each other in imparting both kinds of education. Thus, a modern educated elite, a judge, Nur-ul-Hoda (1854-1935; son of Shams-ul-Hoda) set up the Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda, at Patna in 1912. It endures till date with buildings constructed in colonial architectural styles, and have got good hostels too. It was recognised by the Government of Bihar in 1919, which affiliated Madrasas across the province, in the capacity of serving as the Bihar State Madrasa Education Board, BSMEB, Patna; the Board was made a statutory body by the Karpuri Thakur led government during 1977-79 ). In 1927, it affiliated the Madrasa Islamiya, Ranchi as well. Ever since then, this Madrasa remains a government recognised and funded institution.

Its syllabi, till Fauqaniya (class X), has all the modern subjects of Natural Sciences, Mathematics, Social Sciences and Literatures of Indian and English language. It has board examination at Middle (Wastania) level as well, which is class VIII. After Independence, this Board became a statutory body.  

Interestingly, both the Madrasas (of Patna and of Ranchi) had one person in common, in preparing the curriculum—-Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (1884-1953).  The Madrasa Shams-ul-Hoda of Patna produced many students and teachers who participated in the Quit India Movement; after independence some of its students joined the Indian Administrative Services and Indian Police Services.  

Another Gift of Maulana Azad’s Stay at Ranchi    

Besides the Madrasa Islamiya, another enduring gift of Azad’s stay at Ranchi is the foundation of Imarat-e-Shariah (in 1921, at Phulwari Sharif, Patna) in collaboration with Maulana Sajjad (1880-1940), and the Anjuman-e-Ulema-e-Bihar (founded in June 1917), a precursor of the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. The Sufi shrines—Khanqah-e-Rahmaniya (Monghyr) and Khanqah-e-Mujibiya (Phulwari Sharif, Patna) extended its support.

Maulana Azad elaborated upon this scheme of mobilizing Muslims against the anti- colonial struggle in his Urdu weekly, Paighaam (November 25, 1921).

The Imarat-e-Shariah went on to unwaveringly resist the communal-territorial separatism of the Muslim League. Azad’s protégé, Maulana Sajjad, also talked of confining religion into private spaces, and wrote many letters to Jinnah raising serious questions against his divisive [Pakistan] Resolution of Lahore, 23 March 1940.

He consistently remained in touch with the masses and also edited an Urdu weekly, Naqeeb, (after its fortnightly Imarat was gagged by the colonial state during the Civil Disobedience Movement 1930-34). On 14 April 1940, he wrote in Naqeeb against Jinnah’s scheme of dividing India, Muslim India aur Hindu India Ki Scheme par Ek Aham Tabserah (reprinted in the Naqeeb, 10 January 1946). The Patna historian, Papiya Ghosh (1953-2006), wrote an elaborate academic essay (1997) on the history of Imarat-e-Shariah, 1921-47.

Maulana Sajjad wrote letters to Jinnah asking pertinent questions. Jinnah never responded back. Sajjad, therefore, brought the letters in public circulation, specifically of 26 December 1938 and of 23 January 1939.

Maulana Sajjad also advocated the idea of confining the religious processions and rituals into private spaces rather than a public display of it causing disharmony and group violence. His pamphlet to this effect was captioned, Firqa Warana Ma’amlaat Ka Faisla Kin UsuloN Par Hona Chahiye? (Naqeeb, 20 February 1940)

He launched a political outfit, Muslim Independent Party (MIP) in 1936, with agrarian issues being its chief concern. In 1937, in collaboration with the Congress it contested the provincial elections and emerged second largest party. As the Congress, the largest party refused to form ministry on certain issues of discretionary powers vested in the Governor according to the Act of 1935, it was MIP which formed a provisional ministry, which ran for four months (April-July 1937). Barrister Md. Yunus (1884-1952) was the premier. In its short tenure, it performed very well on all counts, including its agrarian concerns such as irrigation facilities, soft loans, river embankments, etc.

Today, the Imarat-e-Shariah runs charitable institutions of education and health. In its self-proclamation, its jurisdiction extends to Jharkhand and Orissa as well. Should not it look upon the Madrasa Islamiya, Ranchi, in order to resuscitate and revitalise it?

However, this is also a puzzle for the local population that ever since Maulana Azad left Ranchi in 1920, he never looked back towards it. It is something like Gandhiji’s visit to Champaran in 1917. Even though he did re-visit, yet, the three schools established by Gandhiji in Champaran could not survive. As against this, the Madrasa at Ranchi did survive and endures till date.

The Maulana Azad Educational Foundation (MAEF) of the Union government in its existence of about three decades (founded in 1988 to commemorate Azad’s birth centenary) is doing a lot in the stated direction of education. Should not it make an intervention into it to rescuing this wonderful legacy facing extinction? Recognizing the historical significance of Azad’s stay at Ranchi, the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, had inaugurated Maulana Azad Research Centre, on the Tagore Hills, Ranchi. It subsequently disappeared with no traces even of the stone plaque testifying the inauguration by Rajiv Gandhi. In January 2015, however, the then Chancellor (of the Ranchi University) cum Governor of Jharkhand, took note of it and persuaded the Ranchi University to establish Maulana Azad Research Centre. Its incumbent Director, Prof. Manzar Husain, has now made it functional, with a library in its building. Besides, the Senate Hall of the University is also named after Maulana Azad, as a token of gratitude.   

In 2009-10, Qaiser had also highlighted the sorry state of the institution and gross negligence of the Madrasa by the Muslim dominated management. Yet, it continues to languish in disarray. Qaiser concluded, “There are people who swear by Maulana Azad and his association with Ranchi but have not been able to accord the level of respect that an institution such as Madrasa-i-Islamia deserves”.

Mention may be made specifically of Najma Heptullah, claiming to be a descendant of Azad. Till very recently she was the Union Ministry of Minority Affairs in the cabinet of Narendra Modi. Shall she really make a meaningful intervention to draw attention of the provincial and the Union governments to rescue this dying institution? The then Chairman, Jharkhand State Minority Commission, had approached the minister, Najma Heptullah. She sent her emissary to obtain first-hand knowledge about the state of affairs and requirements of the institution. Nobody knows what really happened to this. Then she no longer remained the minister. People have also been approaching Najma Heptullah’s successor, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi.

The problem afflicting the Anjuman-e-Islamiya is not convening election of its management committee.  The government of Jharkhand and its ad hoc functionary, Hasib Akhtar (CEO, Jharkhand Waqf Board, who is by rules, Convenor of election for the Anjuman-e-Islamiya), rather than convening election, is now contemplating to just withdraw the funding (and recognition) of the historic educational institution, Madrasa Islamiya, sources in the ministry of education, confide.

It is worthwhile recalling that delay in granting affiliation by the government of Jharkhand had compelled the Muslim minority managed Kabir Women’s Degree College (Jamshedpur) to close down. It had more than sufficient infrastructure in comparison to most of the other constituent colleges in the state. But it was forced to pull its shutter down, after having functioned for over two decades.

The local Muslims feel helpless at this attitude of the BJP government of Jharkhand. With a sense of hopeless-ness, they say, ‘this is the kind of era we are living in’. Local media, particularly, ETV Urdu, has been exposing all these details, which fall on the deaf ears of the government of Jharkhand. Let it be said that even the Union government of BJP is keeping such bodies head-less. For instance, the National Commission for Minorities, had become defunct, owing to vacancies. It is only few weeks ago that the Chairman and its members have been appointed. The National Commission for minority Educational Institutions (NCMEI) has got no Chairman, with vacancy of one member too. Yet another testimony that the dominant political wisdom of the day believes in peripheralising the minorities!

(This article was first published in August 2017. It is being republished because of PM Modi’s Madrasa modernisation push)

source: http://www.beyoundheadlines.in / Beyond Headlines / Home> History / by Mohammad Sajjad / June 19th, 2019

Inside The Tablighi Jamaat: A Book Review

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INDIA:

As Tablighis came under the scanner of the government post lockdown in India for allegedly ‘ spreading the coronavirus intentionally’, journalist and noted author, Ziya Us Salam pens down a topical book on the history and evolution of this Jamaat. The book is being published by Harper Collins India.

Cover Page of The Book : Inside The Tablighi Jamaat 

A book such as Inside the Tablighi Jamaat is an important intervention to understand the historical continuity of a contemporary phenomenon, more so in the context the controversy involving the movement and its headquarters popularly known as Markaz. Tablighi Jamaat has been in existence for almost one hundred years but it preferred a life of quietude till such time it was made the focus of sustained media attention in the month of April for its congregation in the context of the pandemic.

Many would have preferred to remain quiet on the issue but Ziya us Salam chose to dig out material from the history and place them and the movement in the contemporary context. Devoting twenty four chapters and 260 pages to unravel the layers of the existence of the movement must be viewed with as much seriousness as the book deserves. The scholarly community as well as an interested reader would find mist evaporating from the body and the movement that were initiated about a hundred years ago.

The clarion call of the movement has been to invite the Muslims to become better Muslims and follow the prescribed rituals of Islam. But in the course of doing so it moved in the direction of revivalism in personal life of a member of Jamaati and then spreading out to those who would come under its influence through personal contacts in the course of conducting Chilla whether for three days or forty days or a year. The very fact that the Jamaatis would invite their contacts to live a life of piety as modeled during the times of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions.

For the purpose of helping a new entrant to the charmed circle of the Jamaatis, a book consisting of several volumes known as Fazail-i-Amal was compiled, generally believed to have been done in good faith preaching lessons from the Islamic scholarship and traditions. Among the jamaatis the book evokes tremendous respect and acceptability. As a matter of matter of fact in their circle the book attracts much greater attention than any other book. It is believed that for a Jamaati there is no word beyond Fazail-i-Amal. But the author is not quite impressed as his scholarly scrutiny of the movement takes him to argue, “In other words, Fazail-i-Amal introduces a lot that is biddah (a practice not approved in Islam) based on hearsay. The stories and anecdotes might seem attractive to a layman, but they do not always pass the crucible with scholars of Islam.” (p.102)

An overwhelming emphasis on the good conduct and personal piety does not create conditions of bringing about social reforms within the community of believers. For instance it has opened the door of the Jamaat on women without laying emphasis on social reforms leading to an ideological and cultural climate of gender equality. The Tablighi Jamaat has been shying away from the question of women performing namaz in masjids. The author has highlighted instances where tablighi controlled masjids have been openly hostile to the idea of men and women performing namaz simultaneously. Precedents from the instructions by Hazrat Umar are invoked while a reference to Surah Tauba talking about men and women going for prayers in a masjid is ignored.

The author explains has argued that the tablighis rarely engage themselves in issues which social and political bearings. This benign neglect of contemporary issues such as Tripple Talaq or the issue of Babri Masjid judgement etc. is borne out of their understanding of the movement that it must not get involved in the worldly affairs. This reclusive approach has helps the movement to keep itself away from the gaze of public and the government of the day. However, the fact remains that values imbibed on social plane have bearings in personal life too as it become hard to maintain a distinction between the two. Seen in this perspective, life of an average tablighi is reflective of the larger values they inculcate in the course of their interactions within the organization.

However, such an approach has borne them fruits of a different kind. Their apolitical nature and tendencies to avoid getting involved in contentious issues have gained them access to far off land in the Western hemisphere. They have significant bases in countries such as the UK and USA in a significant way. They have managed to penetrate certain African nations such as South Africa and others without difficulty. However, South-east Asian nations such Indonesia and Malysia have proved to be fertile grounds for the expansion of the Tablighi work. But in the Central Asian countries a similar luck eluded the movement as many regimes suspected it for spreading too much religious mindedness and making masjids as centers of their activities.

While the author has subjected the tablighi movement to scrutiny in a number of ways especially as regards gender justice in spiritual spaces he emerges a trenchant critic of the movement as regards the leadership issues. He raises the issue of absence of democratic values within the oragnisation as no member of the organization has risen to the leadership position due to the stranglehold of the family since the time of Maulana Ilyas. There is a dedicated chapter, ‘All in the Family’ and has argued, “Right from the 1920s to 2020 not a single president has come from outside the family.” (p.138)

The most interesting aspect of the book is its journey into the past to explore historical dimensions of the Tablighi Jamaat and return to the contemporary to examine the continuity and digressions and adjustments. Attempts to locate its genesis take the readers to 1920s when the Shudhi movement under the aegis of the Arya smamaj, especially it’s leader Swami Shradhanand was launched. Culturally vulnerable groups were targeted. Much like the Ghar Wapsi campaigns in recent years.

The author has cleverly used his skills of navigating between the popular and academic language format, which makes the book immensely readable. While it is a book on Tablighi Jamaat, it quietly introduces myriad dimensions of the Islamic religious traditions to the readers.

 ( Views are personal) 

The Reviewer, Prof. Rizwan Qaiser teaches History at Jamia Millia Islamia. 

The Author , Ziya Us Salam writes for Frontline Magazine. 

source: http://www.outlookindia.com / Outlook / Home> Books / by Rizwan Qaiser / September 29th, 2020

OBITUARY – Prof. Rizwan Qaiser: Covid-19 takes away one of the finest historians of the national movement

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Munghyr, BIHAR / NEW DELHI :

Simply Rizwan to most of his friends and colleagues, a leading voice among the historians of Modern India, succumbing to the virus, academic life will no longer be the same

With the untimely death of Prof. Rizwan Qaiser, Rizwan for most of his friends and colleagues, a leading voice among the historians of Modern India, the academic life of the country and more so of the capital will no longer be the same.

While Jamia Milia Islamia, where he has been a key member of the Department of History and Culture and also an extremely energetic member of its Teachers’ Union , loses one of academic leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru University, under siege for some time anyway, loses one of its most loved alumni who represented the University in more than one sense: someone who thought scientifically about social issues, believed that a humane world could be built with the ideals of compassion, equity and a sense of justice, the virtues tried to be enshrined in our collective consciousness during the national movement for freedom, and someone ready to speak up against the divisive social and political forces.

Born and educated in Munghyr, Bihar, Rizwan came to Jawaharlal Nehru University in 1980. It was in the Centre for Historical Studies where he had his training in Modern Indian history, with Prof. Bipan Chandra, Mridula Mukherjee, K.N. Panikkar, Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, and many others who had made the Centre the location of a robust historiography on Modern Indian history.

Coming a couple of years after the Emergency and having experienced the student movements in Bihar as a young boy, Rizwan took to the new kind of history in no time but also took to the political life of the campus at this time. Though he later moved to the School of International Studies where he worked for his Doctoral thesis with the renowned Prof. Bimala Prasad and Prof. Uma Singh, he remained a steadfast historian of the Centre for Historical Studies mould, as for him the historian’s job was not over with merely arranging facts and interpreting them in a chronological manner in a sophisticated academic language.

The historian has to review one’s own historiographical premises as well of others and present one’s case in that ouvre, as it is here that presuppositions, prejudices, biases and premises of historians and the traditions of history are located. At least two generations of students of history in Jamia Milia Islamia were richer with these historical practices becoming a prevailing mode there given the active presence of such historians. Rizwan remained till the last its most vocal proponent.

This has also allowed him to emerge as the most articulate historian of the national movement and its different strands. He meticulously located the participation of the Muslim in general and nationalist Muslims in particular in the overall universe of the national movement. In his Doctoral thesis, he chose to concentrate on the idea, role and politics of Maulan Abul Kalam Azad, the quintessential nationalist Muslim that one could think of. His work was an examination of the ideological position of the nationalist Muslims and the predicaments they had faced when the Muslim masses joined the Muslim League as against the wishes and exhortation of the Nationalist Muslims against such a move.

Prof. Qaiser showed with a historian’s craft and meticulous attention to detail how his protagonist, Abul Kalam Azad was not after all a failure just because, as other historians like V.N.Dutta and Ian Douglas claimed, he could not carry his co-religionists to the national movement under the leadership of the Congress.

In fact, Prof. Qaiser showed how Azad’s ideological position, that Muslims while following their religious credo must embrace a secular political line, turned out to be socially the most valid position to take. To Prof. Qaiser, Azad was, since his emergence as a national leader of the Muslims in the 1920s, trying to build a consensus on the point where the concerns and angst of the Muslim community, born out of their general and particular location, could be alleviated within the Congress platform so that the Muslim need not seek other forums for such issues. Once the Muslim League emerges in the late thirties, Azad’s work, as Prof Qaiser shows, became more challenging as he had to think afresh and sometime not in a very friendly atmosphere within the Congress, to bring the younger generations of Muslims towards the Congress.

His becoming the President of the Congress in 1940 in many ways was an acknowledgement of the tough job that he had at hand. Prof. Qaiser maintained that Azad had developed an ideological position where Hindus and Muslims could coexist within the framework of a single nation with adequate amount of mutual cooperation and adjustment. The need for such adjustment became greater as the movement for Pakistan became deeper and sharper and the opposition to such demand too began to take intransigent position.

Azad, in his work came out as a historical figure, and not merely as a tragic one, or a literary genius as many others have tried to paint him. The previous historians who had worked on the Khilafat and Non Co-operation movement saw the flank of the Muslim leadership in the shape of Mohammad Ali or Abul Kalam Azad taking their historical places, somehow placing them in the context of the Muslim awakening. Further, the politics within the Muslim community as having to face the new realities of Indian politics and turning into some kind of sectarian politics had also been brought to the fore in earlier histories.

Where Qaiser diverged and made a lasting contribution with his book, Resisting Colonialism and Communal Politics: Maulana Azad and the Making of the Indian Nation (Manohar, Delhi,2011) was the fact that he placed the question of an ideological choice in politics at the centre of the historiography. Thus, Azad made a conscious choice in accepting an ideology which he thought was the ideal path for the Muslims to follow in their opposition to colonialism as well as accepting their role in defining the Indian nation. He held on to this despite being marginalised both by the Muslim masses who joined the League in large numbers, and within the circle of leadership in the Congress and yet, as Qaiser suggests, this ideological choice was the right one in hindsight as this provided a correct picture of the anti colonial feelings of the Muslim masses and their desire to be the part of a free nation. Muslim Communalism provided them a false idea and a false promise.

Communalism, for him, was a modern phenomenon and it used religion and yet communalism cannot be identified with the religious life of people, a line – very subtle at times – being taken by many historians of Muslim communities and Islam in South Asia.

Prof. Qaiser ‘s critique of the writings of Francis Robinson, Peter Hardy or Paul Brass was posited in this understanding. For Prof. Qaiser, modern history of Islam and more so the Muslims in India cannot bypass the issue of their fight against colonialism and their place in negotiating Indian Nationalism. His recent writings and lectures on Jamiat ul Ulema I Hind for example and their role during the 1940s in supporting the Congress and opposing the Muslim league for example, also underpinned Prof Qaiser’s continued emphasis on an appropriate historical trajectory within modern history for the Muslims and Indian nationalism.

.A social scientist and a socialist

Rizwan’s was also an acutely conscious historical persona steeped deeply in the cosmopolitan nature of Indianness. A proud Bihari who came out of the famed Zila School of Munghyr which once upon a time used to be an excellent institution and had already produced Indian’s pioneering historian of science, Prof. Deepak Kumar, Rizwan of late was also steering many good researches on the regional history of Bihar in modern times. He also had been noticing the inter regional differences in the nature of popular protest during the national movement in a recent lecture about how the elite and educated in Bihar actually were happy about the partition of Bengal, as they saw it was needed for the development of Bihar.

His consciousness was also shaped by his being part of the socialist students formation, Samata Yuvajan Sabha, which had produced most of the socialist leaders in the last century. He like thousands of students of his generations believed that a scientific secular and socialist society can be formed by the struggle of the youth. His was an active political academic life in the JNU where he even contested for the JNUSU presidential post in 1987 which also saw his ability to articulate a non communist socialist position for a general population. His was also a non compromising secular position and he intellectually tried to add his contribution to refine the secular position in the light of the actual politics that India was undergoing. One still remembers his visiting and holding meetings in villages for maintaining communal harmony during the Babri Masjid demolition days of 1992-3. He was in fact one of the founding members of the Sadbhavna Mission which Prof. Vipin Kumar Tripathy of IIT Delhi has been steering for almost three decades now.

In the light of the discussion on secularism, the author had asked him once about his steering the move to the granting of minority institution status to Jamia. He was asked whether that was not smacking of a political route to communal position; his answer to this was scientific and quite valid. Why do we assume that by giving an institution a minority status which is a legal status, the political and social outlook of the teachers and students will become communal?

When the country is going to celebrate its 75th year of Independence, it would be a pity that one of the finest and most articulate historians of the national movement will not be with us. His absence will be more acutely felt when we fight our battle for collective consciousness which has been showing enormously dangerous communal portents in the present.

source: http://www.nationalheraldindia.com / National Herald / Home> Obituary / by Rakesh Batabyal / May 03rd, 2021