Tag Archives: Humayun Nama

A 16th Century Princess Chronicles Early Mughal Life In India

INDIA :

Begum Gulbadan’s Humayun-nama, a remarkable chronicle of early Mughal life in India is the only work written by a woman in Muslim courts of Ottoman, Turkey, Iran and India.

An early Mughal princess

The Vagabond Princess by Professor Ruby Lal is a captivating historical biography of an early Mughal princess. Even though this is a work of meticulous historical research, it is an adventure tale and a travel narrative with a female protagonist which provides as much entertainment as any work of fiction.  The real wonder of this book is that it’s a true account of a real woman, Gulbadan Begum, who lived from 1523 to 1603.

The author Dr. Ruby Lal is a Professor of South Asian history at Emory University in Atlanta who wrote The Astonishing Reign of Nur Jahan (2018) which was a Los Angeles Times Book Prize finalist.

While her previous book concentrated on a later Mughal queen who was as powerful as her husband the Mughal Emperor Jahangir, this work focuses on an early Mughal princess whose contribution is not so much to statecraft but to memorializing through her writing the formative years of the Mughal Empire in India.

The life of Gulbadan

As the title suggests, Gulbadan’s life was one of astonishing journeys that very few others had undertaken in the sixteenth century. She was a beloved daughter of Emperor Babar, the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India. At the age of six, she undertook an arduous journey with her Mughal relatives from Kabul in Afghanistan to Agra, where her father had established his new capital. This journey took her across the Khyber Pass, a treacherous mountainous gap that allowed an entry point into India.

Once in Agra, she reunites with her beloved father and grows up in the new country of Hindustan, amid a plethora of languages, her native Turkish, Persian, and the emerging mixed tongue of Hindavi in India. Even when it seems there is a modicum of stability, her father Babar’s life is suddenly cut short when he prays for the survival of his son and heir Humayun and participates in a ritual where he barters a part of his own life to save his son.

The untimely death of Babar is a shock for Gulbadan, but even more disconcerting are the rebellions by various half-brothers who periodically betray their allegiance to Humayun, her half-brother who ascends the throne. 

A Mughal dynasty

Humayun’s reign becomes even more tenuous when he faces military challenges led by the Afghan ruler of Bihar, Sher Shah Suri, who defeats Humayun in Chausa in 1539 and Kanauj in 1540, forcing him into exile in Afghanistan.  These changing vicissitudes of the Mughal dynasty force Gulbadan into a peripatetic existence moving back to Kabul and then returning again to Hindustan after Humayun recaptures Agra. During the years of his exile from India, Gulbadan witnesses Humayun’s marriage to his favorite wife Hamida who gives birth to their future heir Akbar, and who also becomes a close friend of Gulbadan.

Akbar’s ascension to the throne marks a shift in Gulbadan’s personal life. In her early life, she had lived in gardens and tents and had traveled freely. With the growth in Akbar’s stature, Mughal women were consigned to the enclosed quarters of the harem in Fatehpur Sikri. While this was a mark of the rising prestige of Akbar, the Emperor, it was not a particularly pleasing option for his aunt, Gulbadan. Even though she is a mother and a senior advisory figure in the harem and also highly regarded by Emperor Akbar as a writer and memory keeper of her clan, she is increasingly restless by her confinement in middle age.

A pilgrimage to Mecca

Gulbadan successfully petitions Akbar to allow her to embark on a holy pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina with the women of the harem.  This is a formidable journey, even with Akbar’s support. First, the Mughal contingent arrive in the port city of Surat where they wait for the Portuguese to approve their passage as they have a monopoly over shipping routes. After much negotiation, and payment of requisite fees, two Mughal ships set sail for the haj pilgrimage.  Lal provides a detailed account of the journey across the Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean, and the Red Sea to arrive at the port of Jeddah, from where the party travels to Mecca. At Mecca, they are able to complete all the rituals associated with the Haj including the lavish giving of alms to the poor. The party then proceeds to Medina and completes the rituals of worship particular to that city as well.

Gulbadan and her associates do not return to Hindustan after completing the Haj but stay on in one of the elite neighborhoods of Medina. After some time, they attract the criticism of the Ottoman Sultan Murad III, who issues orders of expulsion for Gulbadan and her group.  Lal suggests that the lavish giving of alms, made possible by the immense wealth of Akbar and the Mughal Empire in a way threatened the sovereignty of the Ottoman Sultan.

The Humayun-nama

On her return journey by sea, Gulbadan faces being shipwrecked but escapes with her life and seeks refuge in Aden.  Unlike Mecca, the authorities in Aden are not hospitable or courteous. She is relieved to return home where she commands the respect of men and women as someone who is a haji or who has accomplished one of the pillars of the Islamic faith: pilgrimage to the Prophet’s birthplace.  Once settled in Fatehpur Sikri, Akbar commissions her to write a biographical sketch of Humayun. Gulbadan accomplishes this task with great finesse. Her book is an outstanding primary source document about the condition of life during the Mughal era in India.

The narrative begins with Lal’s examination of Gulbadan’s book Ahval- i- Humaun Badshah (Conditions in the Age of Humayun Badshah), at the British Museum in 1997. This is the only extant copy of this commissioned work that Gulbadan authored, but Lal soon realizes that the manuscript is incomplete, and it does not touch on her pilgrimage to Mecca or her life after the return. It is this gap that Lal seeks to fulfill in her research, trying to reconstruct events that happened during the pilgrimage including her group’s expulsion.

First female chronicler of Mughal life

As she recreates the life of Gulbadan, Lal reminds us that her work, popularly called Humayun-nama, is the only prose work written by a woman in Muslim courts including Ottoman, Turkey, Iran, and India. Gulbadan is a remarkable witness and chronicler of early Mughal life in India. Moreover, her life defies notions about women being constrained by Islamic institutions of purdah. Gulbadan did not accept the confinement of the harem and sought out travel to the holy cities of Arabia, appearing publicly to give alms to the poor.

Even upon her return she adopted the role of official historian and was not limited to traditional roles of wife and mother in the harem. At a time when the National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT) is reducing Mughal history content in school history textbooks in India, it is all the more important to continue bringing the lives of Mughal women to the attention of the world. Ruby Lal has succeeded in giving us a biography of an extraordinary life that women in the twenty-first century in India and the world can draw inspiration from.

The Vagabond Princess:  The Great Adventures of Gulbadan by Ruby  Lal
 Yale University Press, February 2024.

source: http://www.indiacurrents.com / India Currents / Home> Books> Culture / by Lopamudra Basu / April 10th, 2024

The emperor of oleander blossoms

INDIA :

Colourful life: Jahangir preferring a Sufi sheikh to kings, a miniature painting by Mughal artist Bichitr, ca. 1620 | Photo Credit: Wiki Commons
Colourful life: Jahangir preferring a Sufi sheikh to kings, a miniature painting by Mughal artist Bichitr, ca. 1620 | Photo Credit: Wiki Commons

Were the Mughals the most literary dynasty that ever ruled India?

The Mughals have garnered many adjectives over the centuries. Once, when the world looked in awe at the power and wealth of Hindustan, they were simply ‘Great’. More recently, as Hindustan locks itself in a manic tussle with its past, they are ‘foreign’ or ‘invaders’, often both. Perhaps it’s time for a calming epithet: the Mughals were, without question, literary.

The first of them, Babur, is known for defeating Ibrahim Lodi in Panipat, but almost equally renowned for his autobiography. It’s not that kings hadn’t written before. Julius Caesar was composing accounts of his Gallic campaigns in 1 BC. The earliest autobiography — an account of a person’s life, not a record of events — was St. Augustine’s Confessions, written circa 400 AD. Babur, living a millennium later and a world away, invented the form for himself with Baburnama, the first personal memoir in Islamic literature. And he did it with flair — “both a Caesar and a Cervantes”, as Amitav Ghosh has described him — writing with lucid ease, whether of the pangs of his first love or his battle strategies. (The first autobiography in an Indian language, incidentally, may be Ardhakathanak (‘Half Life’) by Banarasidas, a Jain merchant who wrote in Braj Bhasha, and in verse, in the 17th century.)

The urge to write

In the centuries after Panipat, the Mughal empire grew into a global superpower, then shrunk to a wretched speck. The last Mughal ruled little besides the Red Fort, but he did preside over an efflorescence of Urdu poetry: Ghalib, Momin and Zauq shone bright in his court, and Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’ was no mean poet himself. Imprisoned and exiled after the Uprising of 1857, the frail emperor would write Na wo taj hai na wo takht hai, na wo shah hai na dayar hai (‘No crown remains no throne remains, neither ruler nor realm remains’). The urge to write, however, that remained: Bahadur Shah is said to have etched his verses on the walls of his prison, with charcoal, when he was denied paper and pen.

Babur may not have been entirely displeased. In a letter to his son, Humayun, Babur offers equally urgent advice on how to rule and how to write. The unfortunate Humayun is ticked off on both counts: his desire for solitude is “a fatal flaw in kingship”, and his prose is convoluted. “Who has ever heard of prose designed to be an enigma?” writes Babur, exasperated. Humayun must write, instead, “with uncomplicated, clear, and plain words”.

Father and son

Humayun was unable to meet his father’s exacting standards, both as ruler (he lost the fledgling empire) and as writer (even if he did die in a library), but the literary gene stayed with the dynasty. It blossomed in Gulbadan, one of Babur’s daughters, who wrote the Humayun-nama; it gestated in Akbar, who was as famously illiterate as he was fond of commissioning histories and translations; and, most notably, it flowered in Jahangir, whose literary talents equalled, if not exceeded, his great-grandfather’s.

William M. Thackston, who has translated the Baburnama, admits that despite its many surprises and charms, the memoirs can sometimes lag a bit: the “reader may skip or skim at will”. The Jahangirnama, on the other hand, flows like a breeze — so much as to attract the criticism to which ‘popular’ writing is prone. Thackston, who has also translated the Jahangirnama, writes that while much of this work is “fascinating…for the general reader” much is also “of little or no historical significance”. Fun to read, that is, but inadequately serious. As Jahangir himself is often accused of being: lightweight.

Playful tone

It’s true enough that the Jahangirnama is marked by a sometimes startling whimsy. Once, marching with his nobility along a rivulet, its banks overgrown with oleanders, Jahangir had them all arrange the blossoms on their turbans so that “an amazing field of flowers was… made!” Another time, having caught a dozen-odd fish, Jahangir released them all with pearls pinned to their noses. Even when he is writing of seemingly sober matters, Jahangir can’t help a certain playfulness.

Near the beginning of the book, for example, Jahangir lists a set of decrees that he issued when he became emperor. Among these worthy orders — abolishing certain taxes and punishments, building wells and hospitals — was one that banned the manufacture and sale of alcohol.

Here, however, Jahangir adds a caveat: he has been drinking — and has often been drunk — since he was 18. Later, he offers a detailed account of his alcoholism and de-addiction (his hands shook so much, others poured the liquor down his throat; a doctor told him he wouldn’t last six months; he diluted his arrack with wine and raised his spirits with opium) — a remarkable confession made even more so by the fact that Jahangir makes it immediately after describing the “great persistence” it took for him to get his son, Shahjahan, to down a birthday drink.

A drinking problem is not all the emperor disclosed. The Jahangirnama also contains a frank account of murder; or, at least, an order to murder, which led to the ambush and assassination of Akbar’s friend and biographer, Abu’l Fazl.

Murder most murky

The plot is murky and tangled, but in brief it was thus: as prince, Jahangir felt threatened by Abu’l Fazl’s influence over the emperor, Akbar, and so had him killed. It was a ruthless decision, and reveals a man of steely ambition under the drunken haze and oleander blossoms.

It’s an ambition that’s often overshadowed by Jahangir’s acute sense of beauty and delight in nature. He could describe the weather such that you can feel it, “the air was so fine, a patch of cloud was screening the light and heat of the sun, and a gentle rain was falling”. Spring flowers in Kashmir would make his heart “burst into blossom”.

Among the best-known passages in the Jahangirnama are those about the mating, nesting and eventual parenthood of Jahangir’s pet saras cranes, Laila and Majnu. So intense is his joy in their rituals — “I immediately ran out to watch” he writes of the dawn on which they mated; then of how Majnu would guard his mate all night, and scratch her back with his beak at dawn to relieve her of nesting duties — that one gets the sense Jahangir would have sat on those eggs himself, if he could.

Writers’ prerogative

It’s passages like this that prompted Henry Beveridge, editor of a 19th-century translation of the Jahangirnama, to declare that Jahangir would have been a “better and happier man” as the “head of a Natural History Museum”. And yet, would the head of a museum have commissioned the painting of Inayat Khan? This, too, is a story in the Jahangirnama. A hard-drinking nobleman appeared before Jahangir, asking for sick leave.

Inayat Khan was emaciated beyond belief. “How can a human being remain alive in this shape?” the emperor exclaimed. Jahangir let Inayat Khan go home, gave him a generous grant, but also, he summoned his painters. Like the extinct dodo, of which Jahangir’s atelier has produced the most authentic record, so the painters now created a terribly vivid portrait of a dying man.

Such single-mindedness is, of course, the prerogative of emperors — and also, perhaps, of writers. Both to rule and to narrate requires a certain distance, even coldness. In fact, of late, Jahangir’s writings, and therefore his rule, are being re-evaluated.

The historian Corinne Lefèvre, for example, does not read the Jahangirnama as a record of imperial fancies, but finds it “a masterpiece of… imperial propaganda”. Jahangir himself suggested as much when he ordered copies of his book sent to other kings as a “manual for ruling”.

Unlike his father, Jahangir did not create the intricate foundations of a nation-state. Unlike his son, Jahangir did not build the Taj Mahal. No lasting administrative reforms, no carved blocks of marble, it’s a book that Jahangir left us to read. Just words.

No wonder he’s so open to interpretation.

The writer’s most recent book is Jahangir: An Intimate Portrait of a Great Mughal.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Books – The Lead / by Parvati Sharma / November 09th, 2018