One weekday morning, Syeed was busy readying his children for school, when his neighbours alerted him about arrangements being made to axe a tree at Ondipudur.
Syeed with the peepal tree that was transplanted on Rathinam college | S Senbagapandiyan
COIMBATORE: Leaders of countries across the world may have pledged to grow one million trees by 2030 during the UN Climate Change Conference COP27 in November last. But the grassroots change is brought about by uncelebrated people rooted in quaint vicinities flung far from the world of parleys and summits.
Meet K Syeed from Coimbatore town who has saved over 600 trees from illegal felling over the last two decades. The man is a mystery to many as he is seen speaking to ailing trees at times. Even so, when the trees begin to recuperate eventually following the regular tête-a-tête, the residents here can only wonder what secrets lay concealed in nature.
When the 44-year-old recently came to know that the peepal tree that was transplanted on Rathinam college campus six years ago from roadside near Eachanari was not flourishing at the new spot, he soon decided to make a new friend. He kept visiting the tree and striking ‘conversations’ with it. The tree is thriving now, said locals.
One weekday morning, Syeed was busy readying his children for school, when his neighbours alerted him about arrangements being made to axe a tree at Ondipudur. Instead of dropping his kids at school, Syeed lugged them along to the spot at once.
“We reached there just in time. It took three hours to persuade the building owner to budge. After saving that age-old tree, I left my children at school in the afternoon. School can wait, schooling can’t,” Syeed said.He has also gathered like-minded people and formed a team against deforestation.
They not only prevent the axing of trees, they also move legally against those laying to waste nature through the revenue department, which is the custodian of land and trees.Some time ago, the highways department applied for approval from the revenue department for axing 180 trees along Siruvani road, and permission was granted to bring 78 trees to the ground.
“We couldn’t believe it when the order came. A team of environmentalists conducted a field inspection and reduced the number of trees that were required to be cut to 38. Likewise, we have stopped cutting of trees at various locations,” he added.
Syeed and his teammates realised they could achieve much more if they worked jointly with government officials. They started an initiative to transplant trees eight years ago, and they have helped nearly 1,000 trees turn a new leaf so far. “I hope governments in the future earmark lands parcels exclusively for planting trees,” he added.
If a tree falls in the forest, and there’s no one around to hear it, does it make a sound? The answer is a resounding yes; the sound of the earth mourning a beloved dweller’s demise. But, not all of us can hear it.
source: http://www.newindianexpress.com / The New Indian Express / Home> Good News / by G Senthil Kumar / Express News Service / January 08th, 2023
Asian Arab Chamber of Commerce (AACC) has appointed K. Mohammed Haris, Managing Director of Mukka Sea Food Industries Pvt. Ltd, Mangaluru as Trade Commissioner for United Arab Emirates by consensus of the Member countries on Wednesday. He was appointed by Saad Al Dabbagh, Chairman at the head office based in Doha, Qatar.
“While I warmly welcome Haris into the board as the Trade commissioner, his experience and commitment to excellence will be a major asset for the Global Trade bodies and especially between India and the Arab nations. Congratulations and best wishes in his new role as Trade Commissioner.” said Saad Al Dabagh in Qatar.
“India-UAE relations are witnessing an unprecedented momentum with a large number of opportunities for cooperation and increasing investments, in key sectors like infrastructure and technology” said Haris who is actively looking at his new role in promoting trade relations between India and the Arab world specifically the United Arab Emirates.
“In the trade world, there is no one quite Haris from Mukka Exports. He is brilliant, hard-working and devoted to getting trade right. He’s been a devoted entrepreneur for nearly two decades on the Fishing and Sea food business, advancing the prosperity of India’s trade narrative. Through his work on various trade agreements, he has opened the doors for Indian businessmen to deliver goods and services in the UAE, strengthening our economy, and securing our leadership abroad,” said Dr Krishnakumar IAS, the former minister of Defense and Agriculture, Govt of India.
Arab world considers it very significant that the Trade Commissioner from India who is inaugurated as the head of the trade commission in the international organization which embodies diversity with many memberships from developing countries in light of maintaining and reinforcing the multilateral trading system. AACC hopes that the Trade Commissioner will address a myriad of challenges facing the India UAE Free trade agreement thorough cooperation with the Members, by demonstrating his deep expertise and experiences, his calibre of coordination with major countries, as well as his managerial ability to run multilateral institutions, which he has previously cultivated in his distinguished capacities in leadership roles and as a founder promoter of Mukka Sea Food Industries Limited. He has worked in different verticals with strategic assignments across companies, said a release.
Mohammed Haris receiving Niryat Shri Award by then President of India Pranav Mukherjee in 2014.
He would help the UAE exporters who can now benefit from greater market access through preferential tariff rates. Some products will be subject to zero tariffs from day one – others will see them reduced over time. The CEPA, which was signed earlier this year, is expected to increase the total value of bilateral trade in goods to over $100 billion and trade in services to over $15 billion within five years, said the release.
He is the Managing Director at Mukka Sea food Exports Limited and his role of building new businesses and forging international relationships with the Arab World qualify him for taking up the role of Trade commissioner for the United Arab Emirates. As a co-founder of SHIPWAVES he was responsible for building the next general digital platform for Global trade by streamlining the supply chain with Cloud and AI and Blockchain technologies. He also set up India’s first steam sterilised fish meal plant with expansion of 8 plants across the globe. Mukka group today has a turnover of over INR 600 Crores (Dhs 300 million) per annum and is one of Asia’s fastest growing companies.
“Haris is a great choice for one of the new Trade Commissioner as he joins the AACC to usher in a new era with more Indian leadership than ever before,” said Tribhuvan Darbari the Vice President of the board. As he has skillfully negotiated trade deals and crafted our nation’s trade policy while gaining a sophisticated understanding of the opportunities available and the challenges facing the Indian market that is looking at 5 Trillion in the short term. I look forward to working with him, as well as the Director General, to resolve the Committee’s long-standing concerns with the Free Trade Agreements. I also look forward to addressing issues that have not always been prioritized, particularly when it comes to climate change, labor, and SME’s economic empowerment. I wish him the very best in this new endeavor and thank him for his commitment to public service.” he said.
The two-day Millennial celebrations of Jamatul Muslimeen Bhatkal kicked off with a massive traditional rally in the town on Tuesday.
The rally was organised to give a traditional fervour to the celebrations, with people wearing traditional local costumes as a mark of respect to their culture and traditions.
Local sports clubs joined together and presented tableau of traditional wedding and other significant events of the Nawayath history.
The locals also wore the traditional Lungi as their outfit during the rally.
The two-day event will see a massive event to celebrate the 1000 years of the organisation on the first day while on the second day a get together with local non-Muslims and their leaders will also be organised on Thursday.
Jamatul Muslimeen Bhatkal has been preparing in full swing for over three months for the event and has called on people to attend the celebrations in numbers to make it a grand success.
Yesterday was the 103rd Birth anniversary of Captain Abbas Ali, Great socialist freedom fighter of Aligarh, and member of INA. Here is a biographical note on him.
Captain Abbas Ali, distinguished freedom fighter, close associate of Subash Chander Bose, fighter of Indian National Army, and hardcore socialist, was the son of Ayyub Ali Khan, a Dafadar officer in British Indian army. He was born on 3rd January 1920 at Khurja, Bulandshahr (U.P.). Belonged to the Rajput Muslim family of freedom fighters, his grandfather Rustam Ali Khan was hanged by British army at Kala Aam in Bulandshahar (United Province, now Utter Pradesh) after the 1857 mutiny. Abbas Ali was influenced by revolutionary ideas of Bhagat Singh since his school days. As a school student, he also participated in a protest march on 25th March 1931 at Khurja to denounce death sentence to Shaheed Bhagat Singh. Soon after Bhagat Singh’s hanging, he joined Naujawan Bharat Sabha established by Bhagat Singh and actively participated in the activities of NBS, while he was in School. According to Qurban Ali, renowned journalist and son of Abbas Ali, while paying homage to his father said, his father sings the following Urdu couplet:
بھگت سنگھ تمھیں پھر سے آنا پڑے گا
حکومت کو جلوہ دکھانا پڑے گا
اے دریائے گنگا تو خاموش ہو جا
اے دریائے ستلج تو سیاہ پوش ہو جا
بھگت سنگھ تمھیں پھر سے آنا پڑے گا
حکومت کو جلوہ دکھانا پڑے گا
Translation:
Bhagat Singh You will have to come again Will have to show your strength to the government
O river Ganga, be silent
O river Sutlej, turn black
Bhagat Singh You will have to come again Will have to show your strength to the government
After matriculation, in 1937, from JAS High School of Khurja, he went to Aligarh Muslim University for higher studies. While pursuing his studies at AMU he came in contact with great communist leader of his time Dr Kunwar Muhammed Ashraf. On his inspiration he first joined All India Students Federation (AISF) a student wing of left parties established in 1936. He later on joined British Army and associated with Royal Indian Army Supply Corpse (R.I.A.S.C) in 1939 as junior commissioned officer (JCO) and posted at various parts in United India and South East Asia during Second World War II (1939-45).
When Japanese forces attacked British forces in South East Asia, being part of British forces, Capt. Abbas Ali fought with the Japanese forces but when General Percival surrendered with more than one lakh British army. after the Japanese destroyed two major British war ships. Capt. Abbas Ali became prisoner of war (POW) with Japanese. During this captivity he joined Indian National Army (INA) or Azad Hind Fauj established by General Mohan Singh. In 1945, he played a crucial role in INA’s programme ‘Dilli Chalo’ under the leadership of Netaji Subash Chander Bose. He fought with Indian Army in Arakaan but when Japanese surrendered, he was arrested along with 60000 fellow soldiers of INA. He was court martialed and sentenced to death.
After Independence in 1947, he was released by the Nehru Government then he joined the mainstream politics. He was hardcore socialist; and in 1948 he joined socialist party of Acharaya Narendra Deva, Jayaprakash Narayan and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohiya. He was General Secretary of the Uttar Pradesh unit of Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) in 1966-67, and of Socialist Party in 1973-74. In 1967, when he was state secretary of Samyukta Socialist Party, SSP, he played key role in formation of the first Non- Congress Samyukta Vidhayak Dal (SVD) government in Uttar Pradesh led by late Chaudhry Charan Singh, who later became Prime Minister of India for a brief stint. During Emergency he was imprisoned for 19 Months. After emergency, he became first President of the UP unit of Janta Party. In 1978 he was elected to UP Legislative Council for six years. He was a member of UP Sunni Central Waqf Board for six years. He passed away on 11th October 2014 after a brief illness at Aligarh’s Jawahar Lal Nehru Medical College.
References and Further Readings:
Ali, Captain Abbass. Na Hoon Kisi Ka Dast-e-Nagar-Mera Safarnama (Khudnawisht). Rajkamal Publication, Delhi, 2009
Ali, Qurban. Captain Abbas Ali: a true patriot and son of the soil.
source: http://www.milligazette.com / The Milli Gazette / Home> News> Community News / by Asad Faisal Farooqui / January 04th, 2023
On January 5, the first statue of Fatima Sheikh, who was one of the first Muslim woman teacher in modern India, was unveiled in the premises of Zilla Parishad Urdu High School, Emmiganur town in Andhra Pradesh’s Kurnool district.
Fatima Sheikh was one of India’s finest social reformers and educators. She is believed to be the first Muslim woman to teach modern education in the country.
Jyoti Rao Phule and Savitribai, a well-known couple of social reformers who fought to promote girls’ education, were known to have lived with her.
Fatima Sheikh is credited with allowing the Phule couple to establish the first all-girls school in Bombay Presidency at the former’s home in erstwhile Poona.
She taught at all five of the Phules’ schools. In 1851, she established two schools in Mumbai on her own. Fatima has played an important role in teaching Dalit children at Phules’ School.
Fatima’s statue was donated to the school by Mr. Nakkmittala Srinivasulu. Smt. Patnam Rajeswari took the lead of this programme and High School HM Mr. Kondaiah, Teacher Mrs. Jeba, Social activists N. Vijyalakskhmi, Mr. K. Jeelan, Mr. Parashi Asadulla, Smt. Prbhavathamma, Teacher Mr. Md. Khadeer (Kurnool), writer Mr SVD Azeej (Kurnool) and good number of students took part in the Programme.
Earlier, the Andhra Pradesh government added a lesson on Fatima Sheikh’s contributions to the eighth-class textbooks.
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Education> Indian Muslim> Women / by Muslim Mirror / January 05th, 2023
Supreme Court judge, Justice S Abdul Nazeer, hailing from Moodbidri who was one among those who gave historic verdicts on Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi Babri Masjid, triple talaq and demonetisation issues, retired on Wednesday, January 4.
He was the only Muslim among the five-judge bench who announced the Ayodhya verdict.
He was born in Moodbidri on January 5, 1956. He completed his primary school education at Beluvayi, obtained B Com degree at the Mahaveera College, Moodbidri and Law degree at the SDM college, Mangaluru.
He worked as a lawyer in Bengaluru at the Karnataka High Court, Bengaluru in 1983 and was appointed as permanent justice in 2003. He received promotion as a Supreme Court justice in February 2017.
He had heard the case of demonetization just two days before his retirement and pronounced the judgement. He used to give speeches in Kannada and Tulu.
Other judges of the Supreme Court have commended his work.
source: http://www.daijiworld.com / Daijiworld / Home> Top Stories / by Daijiworld Media Network – Mangaluru (EP) / January 04th, 2023
Justice Nazeer, who was known for keeping the atmosphere light in the courtroom, demitted office after being in the apex court for about 6 years.
New Delhi:
Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud on Wednesday said Supreme Court judge Justice S. Abdul Nazeer was a judge dedicated to the law and all those affected by it, and was a “people’s judge”.
Justice Nazeer, who was known for keeping the atmosphere light in the courtroom, demitted office after being in the apex court for about 6 years.
In his address at the farewell function organised for Justice Nazeer by the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA), Chief Justice Chandrachud said he was a farmer at heart, and it was a difficult life for him to grow up on his uncle’s farms and he had even scavenged for fish which used to wash up on the beach there.
Justice Nazeer was a judge dedicated to the law and all those affected by it and was a “people’s judge”, he added.
SCBA President Vikas Singh said Justice Nazeer was the only Muslim judge on the bench, which decided the Ayodhya title dispute, and there was an expectation that he would author a separate judgement, “concurring, or not”.
“He is a true embodiment of secularism in this country. He not only agreed to give a unanimous verdict without naming who wrote that judgment, but he also agreed with the view of the majority,” Singh said that it showed for Justice Nazeer, it was the “nation first, himself as a judge second, and himself as an individual last”.
The Chief Justice also said: “Justice Nazeer has been here and has done everything that is expected of a judge…” He appreciated Justice Nazeer for rendering services as a collegial colleague on the bench and in the collegium.
Education and Career
Born on January 5, 1958, at Beluvai in Karnataka Dakshina Kannada district, Justice Nazeer enrolled as an advocate on February 18, 1983, after completing his LLB degree from SDM Law College, Mangaluru.
He practiced before the Karnataka High Court and was appointed as its Additional Judge on May 12, 2003. He became a permanent judge on September 24, 2004 and was elevated to the Supreme Court on February 17, 2017.
Justice Nazeer was part of several landmark constitution bench decisions, which included triple talaq, right to privacy, Ayodhya case, and recently on the Centre’s 2016 decision on demonetisation, and free speech of lawmakers.
Justice Nazeer said that the situation in the Indian judiciary today is not as grim as it used to be though a wrong impression is conveyed due to misinformation.
“There is always room for improvement. If I say Indian judiciary is immune to gender inequalities, I can’t be farther away from reality,” he said, emphasising that the representation of women in the judiciary is still very low.
source: http://www.ummid.com / Ummid.com / Home> India / by IANS / January 04th, 2023
Any discussion of Urdu ghazals, between connoisseurs, may bring up rival merits of “Dabistan-e-Dehli” and “Dabistan-e-Lakhnau”, or the Delhi and Lucknow schools of poetry, each with an array of accomplished master poets to boast of. But is the classification even valid, and if so, how can we distinguish between them?
The role of both the cities in Urdu literature is beyond dispute, but did they develop a characteristic, exclusive literary style, given their similarities – royal courts (for patronage), a syncretic culture (the “Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb”), and a receptive citizenry, including a class of sybaritic aristocracy.
Urdu scholar Frances Pritchett holds the division was created by some early Urdu literary historians, and it was held Delhi poets’ work was simple, austere, chaste and dignified and that of Lucknow convoluted, frivolous, sensual, and decadent. However, this does not bear ground, as Delhi’s ‘Momin’ and ‘Dagh’ could be sensual too.
However, later, literary critics, especially Shamsur Rehman Faruqi, questioned the very classification, more importantly, for ignoring the contributions of various other bits of India, say Bihar, Bengal, Hyderabad, Punjab, etc.
But if “Dehlvi” or “Lakhnavi” are just seen as a sense of identification or how the poets are known to posterity, Lucknow and its surroundings, leave apart the other erstwhile Nawabi dominions, hosted a significant number, of poets right from when ghazals became predominant down to the present, cutting across caste, class, and creed.
But outside Urdu scholars and the painfully few bilingual aficionados, none is as familiar as Delhi’s Mir, Ghalib, Zauq, or Zafar — not even the last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah “Akhtar”. It is difficult to list all bearing the ‘Lakhnavi’ appellation but a representative selection — including those who kept the name of their city’s suburb — can be offered below.
Before Wajid Ali Shah, Oudh’s Nawab Nasir-ud-din Haider (r. 1827-37) was a poet of some promise, but the pioneers are taken to be the early 19th century’s Ghulam Hamdani ‘Mushafi’ (“Aasman ko nishana karte hain/Tir rakhte hai jab kamaan mein ham”) and his rival, the colourful Insha Allah Khan ‘Insha’ (“Na chhed ai nikhat-e-bad-e-bahari raah lag apni/Tujhe atkhelian sujhi hain ham bezar baithe hain”).
Then, there were Insha’s associates: Saadat Yaar Khan ‘Rangin’ (“Rishta-e-ulfat ko todun kis tarah/Ishq se main munh modun kis tarah”), Qalandar Baksh ‘Jurrat’ (“Mil gaye the ek baar us ke jo mere lab se lab/Umr bhar honto pe apne ham zabaan phera kiye”), and Nawab Syed Mohammad Khan ‘Rind’ (“Nuqsan jaan hai ‘Rind’ jo do gham bahm huye/Karte ho ranj hijr mein fikr sukhan abas”).
Khwaja Haider Ali ‘Aatish’ (“Zameen-e-chaman gul khilati hai kya kya/Badalta hai rang aasman kaise kaise”) and Imam Baksh ‘Nasikh’ (“Zindagi zinda-dilli ka hai naam/Murda dil khaak jiya karte hai”) were another set of rivals in the 1830s.
Others of the time included Syed Muzaffar Hussain ‘Aseer’ (“Khuda jaane yeh kis ki jalwa gah naz hai duniya/Hazaron uth gaye kasrat vahi baqi hai mehfil ki”), Faqir Muhammad ‘Goya’ (“Nishan ham be-nishanon kaa na paya/Saba ne muddaton tak khaak chaani”), Mirza Mohammad Taqi ‘Havas’ (“Dukh pahunche jo kuch tum ko tumhari yeh saza hai/Kyun us ke ‘Havas’ ashiq-e-janbaaz hue tum”), Mir Wazir Ali ‘Saba’ (“Aap hi apne zara jaur-o-sitam ko dekhen/Ham agar arz karenge to shikayat hogi”) and Syed Zaman Ali ‘Jalal’ (“Jis ne kuch ahsan kiya hai ek bojh ham par rakh diya/Sar se tinka kya uthaya sar per chappar rakh diya”)
Mir Babar Ali ‘Anis’ and Salamat Ali ‘Dabir’ are prominently known as ‘marsiya’ writers extraordinary, but also composed ghazals.
There were also Pandit Daya Shankar ‘Naseem’ (“Guzra jahan se main to sun ke yaar ne kaha/Qissa gaya, fasaad gaya, dard-e-saar gaya”), Munshi Amir Ahmed ‘Amir Meenai’ (“Sarakti jaye hai rukh se naqaab ahista-ahista/Nikalta aa raha hai aftaab ahista-ahista”), Mirza Rajab Ali Beg ‘Suroor’ (“Itni chhaani hai khaak tere liye/Chaa raha hai ghubar ankhon mein”) and Ram Sahai ‘Tamanna’ (“Apni yehi tamanna hai aap se ‘Tamanna’/ Meri nazar ke aage rahiye kitaab hokar”) among others.
Lala Madhur Ram ‘Jauhar’ (“Bhanp hi lenge ishara sar-e-mehfil jo kiya/Tarhne wale qayamat ki nazar rakhte hai”) was another noted exponent.
The 20th century saw Mirza Mohammad Hadi ‘Aziz’ (“Uthaye jaake kahan lutf-e-justju koi/Jagah voh kaunsi hai tu jahan nahi hota”), Mirza Zaakir Hussain Qizilbaash ‘Saqib’ (“Zamana bade shauq se sun raha tha/Hamin so gae dastan kahte kahte”), Bisheshwar Prasad ‘Munawwar’ – son of another noted poet Dvarka Parshad ‘Ufuq’ (“‘Munawwar’ mujh pe shaam-e-yaas ghalib aa nahi sakti/Ke har umeed se hota hai ek rang-e-sahr paida”), and Pandit Brij Narain ‘Chakbast’ (“Agar dard-e-mohabbat se na insan aashna hota/Na kuch marne ka gham hota na jeene ka maza hota”).
Other luminaries included Syed Ali Naqi Zaidi ‘Safi’ (“Dil se nazdeek hai aankhon se bhi kuch dur nahi/Magar is pe bhi mulaqat unhe manzur nahi”), Syed Anwar Hussain ‘Arzoo’ (“Do tund hawaon par buniyad hai tufan ki/Ya tum na haseen hote ya main na jawan hota”) — also one of the first poets to write cinema lyrics for Calcutta’s New Theatres — and Nawab Jafar Ali Khan ‘Asr’ (“Zindagi aur zindagi ki yaadgar/Parda aur parde pe kuchh parchhaiyan”).
Syed Fazl-ul-Hasan Maulana ‘Hasrat Mohani’ is, despite his religious appellation and radical politics, known for some sublime romantic ghazals like “Chupke chupke raat din..”, suggesting he had a very colourful youth, or at least a very colourful imagination.
There were Hakim Saeed Ahmed ‘Natiq’ (“Koi na sun saka mera qissa zamaane mein/Itna asr bhi ho na kisi ke fasaane mein”), Siraj ul-Hasan ‘Siraj’ (“Aap ke paaon ke niche dil hai/Ek zara aap ko zahmat hogi”) , Naubat Rai Saxena ‘Nazar’ (“Lakhnau hum par fida hum fida-e Lakhnau/Kya hai taaqat aasman ki jo churhae Lakhnau”), and Mirza Mohammad Jafar ‘Hayat’ (“Kahin par thehre to ham us se koi baat karen/Hawa ki tarah hamesha safar mein rahta hai”).
Closer to our time, were Sardar Ahmad Khan ‘Behzadi’, Shabbir Hasan Khan ‘Josh Malihabadi’, though more known for his nazms, Asrar-ul-Haq ‘Majaz’ – the epitome of the romantic, tragic poet, and Anand Narain ‘Mulla’ (“Voh kaun hain jinhe tauba ki mil gai fursat/Hamen gunah bhi karne ko zindagi kam hai”).
In modern times, Krishan Bihari ‘Noor’ (Sach ghate ya badhe to sach na rahe/Jhoot ki koi intiha hi nahi), and Sardar Khushbir Singh ‘Shaad’ (“Ek ham hai ke paristish ke aqeeda hi nahi/Aur kuch log yahan ban ke Khuda baithe hai”) kept up the tradition.
Then, there are Abdul Razzaq ‘Dil’ (“Dil ki maano to ek kaam karo/Hoke badnaam khub naam karo”), Syed Hasan ‘Latafat’, Aftab-ud-Daula ‘Qalq’, Mir Ausat Ali ‘Rashk’, Bishan Narain Dar ‘Abr’, Jai Narain Varma ‘Asr’, Shankar Dayal ‘Farhat’, Raja Jia Lal ‘Gulshan’, Tribhuvan Nath ‘Hijr’, Bansi Dhar ‘Himmat’, Hakim Mahdi ‘Kamal’, Kunwar Sen ‘Muzaffar’, Lalta Parshad ‘Shafaq’, and many more, who only survive in ‘tazkiras’ (poetic histories). — IANS
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Culture> Literature / January 01st, 2023
Dr A. J Faridi with a tape recorder in front of him in a public meeting in Rampur. In those days he was facing several fabricated cases for spreading communal hatred. For this reason he used to record all his speeches.
Last month, May the 19th, marked the 46th death anniversary of Dr Abdul Jalil Faridi, a selfless leader of Indian Muslims, who has been forgotten not only by the Muslim community but even by those to whom he had done personal favours.
Dr Faridi was one of the leading TB experts in the country, enjoyed a very high status and was highly respected within and outside the community. Had he embraced opportunism—the prevalent culture of the day—he would have been bestowed upon high positions by the ruling and strongest political party of his time, the Congress, and might even end up by occupying the seat of Vice President or President of the country. In post independent India, perhaps, no political leader among Muslim could match him in selflessness, sincerity, sacrifices and commitment.
He had a dream to unite and bring the community on one platform under the banner of a strong Muslim political party for which he formed the All India Muslim Majlis.
Although in the 70s Muslim Majlis became a force to reckon with, today this is no more than a letterhead organisation. The speed with which, within a span of a short period, it emerged as a political force, challenging even the Congress, cannot be imagined in today’s political and social environment.
Dr . Abdul Jalil Faridi
Looking at Dr Faridi’s extraordinary achievement, he should have been a role model for Muslim politicians of today. But, sadly, he has been completely forgotten and specially the younger generation is unaware of this remarkable personality. As a tribute to Dr Faridi’s contributions, a portrait of him hangs in the AMU Students’ Union Hall but, perhaps, even the student leaders would not know who that great person was let alone a common student. This is despite the fact that Dr Faridi was the prime campaigner and leading fighter in the struggle for the restoration of AMU’s minority character. In his sincerity, dedication and sacrifices for the community he did not have a match in his life while in the present political and social environment this is impossible to think of a person like him.
The first time when I heard Dr Faridi’s name was in 1972, when I was about 14. Dr Faridi had given a call to protest against government’s intransigence not to restore the minority character of AMU and to stop these protests 144 was imposed prohibiting any protest or gathering. But not to be deterred by government’s tactics to terrorise the community, Dr Faridi came out with a novel idea and instructed his supporters all over the state to raise black flags on their rooftops, tie black badges on their shoulders/arms and organise speeches in mosques after Friday prayer. In my ancestral town, Deoabnd, there were two brothers, Qamar Kazmi (one of the most active and longest presidents of Muslim Majlis from 1989 – 2003) and Badar Kazmi, who were the flag bearers of Muslim politics in the town.
I remember one night before the day when black flags were raised, the walls in Deoband were painted with slogans demanding restoration of the minority character of the AMU. The person who had written these slogans was a young man of the town, Badar Kazmi. Being senior to me in age, I call him as Badar Bhai [brother Badar]. Despite limited resources, Badar Bhai had also brought an Urdu fortnightly Manshoor.
To my knowledge, if anyone is still carrying the flag of Muslim Majlis and trying to keep it alive, it is Badar Bhai. For his straightforwardness he has made many enemies. On several issues I too have many differences with him. But the fact is that he has excellent talents in writing and public speaking and Allah SWT has blessed him with an attractive personality. Had he compromised on his principles and chosen the path of opportunism, many political parties would have seen him as an asset and would have recruited him offering high posts. Badar Bhai is Hafiz-e-Qur’an as well and during the last Ramadan, after a long period, rehearsed it in the Taraweeh at his home.
This was a rather long introduction. But to introduce Badar Bhai it was essential so that the readers understand his stature and relate to what he has to say on the rise and decline of Muslim Majlis and Muslim politics in 1974. Below is the translation of a frank discussion with Badar Bhai containing some revealing information, especially for the younger generation—Ghazali
Dr Faridi in a public meeting in Bijnor
Ghazali: As far as I know you are one of the few who are still flying the flag of Muslim Majlis and trying to keep the organisation and the name of its founder, Dr Abdul Jalil Faridi, alive. At one time this organisation emerged as a successful Muslim political party and a force to reckon with but today it is merely a letterhead organisation. I want to hear from you about Dr Abdul Jalil Faridi and the story of Mushawrat’s rise and decline.
Badar Kazmi: Sadly, late Dr Saheb could not see the rise of Mushawrat. It reached to the peak of its success in 1977 and Dr Saheb had died in 1974. Muslim Majlis was established by Dr Saheb in 1968. As far as I remember it was 1971. I was young then. Some of Majlis’s members, including Iqbal Khan, came to Purqazi [a town in District Muzaffarnagar] to Bhai Saheb. He had left Kanpur where he used to edit Majlis’s mouthorgan the Qaid and had setup a sugarcane crasher.
Majlis had announced a public meeting in Roorkee. They requested Bhai Saheb to accompany them. I joined them as well. When we reached the place where the meeting was to be held, we saw just a few people there and these too were the organisers themselves. There were people there, but they were either on the rooftops of their houses, mosques or in nearby restaurants. Perhaps it was the green flag with a star on it that was deterring them. They might have been scared because the emergency had been recently lifted during which they had seen, read about or experienced the cruelties of the Congress, the party in power. The speakers came to the microphone as their names were announced and delivered speeches. Slowly and gradually people started coming and abut 100 – 200 gathered there. This is how the ball was set rolling.
In 1968 Dr Saheb had made an alliance with Republican and Backward Class Forum through which, by the grace of Allah, we succeeded in having five of our MLAs elected to UP assembly. This included three Muslims: Naseem Siddiqui from Kanpur, who died recently and was then a young lawyer; late Habeeb Saheb from Allahabad; Shah Abul Fazal from Ghazipur, a highly educated man who had also served at the UN; and two Dalits: Nanhe Lal Karail and Chote Lal Nirbhaya.
In 1974 Majlis and Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) formed an alliance. In 1971, under the pressure of Shekih Abdullah, Dr Saheb also entered into an alliance with the Congress. Mrs Indira Gandhi won the 1971 elections with a thumping majority but did not keep even a single promise she had made with the Majlis. Only after a short period the war of Bangladesh’s liberation broke out.
Here I must narrate an incident that proves that no matter what you do, the leadership of the so-called secular parties will never trust you. Notwithstanding that Dr Saheb, purely on humanitarian grounds, had supported the war of liberation of Bangladesh because of the atrocities committed by Pakistani army in what was then East Pakistan, only to judge Dr Saheb and observe his reactions one day Mrs Gandhi called for him and said that she was thinking to merge Bangladesh with India. To this Dr Saheb’s immediate response was, ‘What can be more pleasing news to me than this, as this would increase the ratio of Muslim population in India and will give me more representation in the parliament and assemblies?’
Badar Kazmi addressing annual conference of Muslim Majlis in Lucknow. Sitting on the dais (R-T) Qamar Kazmi, Hamzah Hussaini and Zulfiqarullah
Anyway, by 1974 Dr Saheb had lost all hopes with Mrs Gandhi with regard to Muslims’ demands. Therefore, in 1974 Majlis made an alliance with the SSP. This was the time when in 1973 the movement for the restoration of minority character of AMU had already been started for which we went to jail under the leadership of Dr Saheb. During those one-and-a-half months in jail, about two to four SSP MLAs were also with us. However, we were released by the court after which Dr Saheb put me in charge of UP. I was about 24 years then.
Badar Kazmi with his friends and party colleagues in Lucknow after being released from a month and a half jail from Lucknow Central Jail.
I organised a conference in Meerut which was very successful. During this time, I took Assaduddin Owaisi’s father, late Sultan Salahuddin Owaisi, on a tour of western UP and organised Majlis’ public meetings in various districts. Owaisi Saheb addressed these meetings expressing his support for Majlis.
As a result of 1974 alliance, we were able to get our five MLAs—Habeeb Saheb, Masood Khan and two Dalits [and the fifth one?]—to UP assembly. At that time Dr Saheb’s health started deteriorating. He often used to look at his hands and say with a smile, ‘I am a doctor and have no idea about my condition.’ He was himself a TB specialist yet fell victim to this dreadful disease. He had even travelled abroad for his treatment. Doctors had strictly advised him to have complete rest. His lungs had already been infected. Inhaling dust in those long and arduous journeys during the 1974 elections his health deteriorated even further and at last he left for his heavenly abode.
Zulfiqarullah, Fazlulbari and other members of Muslim Majlis after courting arrest against Moradabad anti-Muslim riots
By 1974, due to his untiring efforts, Dr Saheb had succeeded in bringing together the BKD, led by Choudhary Charan Singh and SSP, led by Raj Narian. However, this alliance had not yet become a recognisable force. Nevertheless, it had started working.
After Dr Saheb’s death, Habeeb Saheb was elected as Majlis’ president. Under the leadership of Al-Haj Zulfaqarullah saheb, he continued working on Dr Saheb’s mission. Later, when emergency was declared, all political parties, including Majlis, were banned and political leaders were imprisoned.
Soon after they were released, 11 parliamentary seats in UP were decided to be given to Muslim Majlis. But, ironically, Majlis could not get Muslim candidates to field and, thus, only two candidates of Majlis—Al-Haj Zulfaqarullah from Sultanpur and Basheer Ahmad Khan Advocate from Allahabad—were elected.
In the UP assembly, Majlis put up 10 candidates of which eight won and two, including Azam Khan, from Rampur, and Syed Assad Hussain, from somewhere near Amethi, were defeated. Azam Khan lost the election twice, in 1974 and in 1977. Assad Hussain Saheb was elected as Majlis’ president in 1984, but died very soon.
Dr A. J. Faridi, Alhaj Ismail and Muslim League President Ibrahim Suleman Seth in a conference of Muslim Majlis in Bijnor.
That was the time when Choudhary Charan Singh, having worked with Majlis’ members and having seen them very closely, was very impressed with their honesty, hard work and integrity. Such was his trust and confidence in them that he had decided to give the post of the Chief minister to a Muslim, Habeeb Saheb. There have been many misunderstandings and rumours about Chaudhry saheb but he was a very fair-minded person. He was the one who used his influence and brought out Muslim zamindars, who, after 1947, had withdrawn from public life, and fielded them on BKD’s tickets. This included Saeed Murtaza, Ghayyoor Ali Khan, Mehmood Ali Khan, Rafey Khan etc.
But H.N. Bahuguna was not happy with these developments. He used Raj Narain and told him that once again the Muslim League was being revived. Raj Narian opposed it [the idea of Habeeb Saheb being appointed as Chief Minister]. In his opposition to it he became so intransigent that he got Ram Naresh Yadav—who, at that time, had only the experience of district board politics and was in assembly for the first time—installed as the chief minister. This was an inside story and was not allowed to come out.
During this time Habeeb Saheb kept being unwell and was often on dialysis. Masood Khan from Azamgarh, a lawyer by profession, and some other guys tried to get him side-lined. Masood Khan got himself appointed as PWD minister and Arif Muhammad Khan as Deputy Minister. Even after this Habeeb saheb dealt with the situation with dignity and accepted this development in a graceful manner.
During this period Habeeb Saheb’s health was continuously deteriorating. With that he had developed some issues with Janata Party. At the same time, following the death of an MLA in Azamgarh, a byelection arose in which Mohsina Qidwai stood on Congress ticket. Habeeb Saheb put some demands before Choudhary Saheb that he refused to accept. After this Habeeb Saheb and Majlis openly supported Mohsina Qidwai and she won the election. As a result, Arif Mohammad Khan had to resign. Following this he joined the Congress.
Qamar Kazmi and Fazlul Bari leading a demonstration against Moradabad anti-Muslim riots.
Ghazali: Was Arif Mohammad Khan elected on Majlis ticket?
Badar Kazmi: All of the Muslim candidates, including Arif Mohammad Khan, fought the election as Janata Party candidates. But all of them were given tickets on Majlis’ quota. Now coming to your question about the rise of Majlis, the rise was that Alhaj Zulfaqarullah Saheb was made Finance State Minister in the centre and customs and excise, etc., were under him.
Until now Majlis was working with its own identity. But differences arose between the Sanghis and the socialists [For younger generation of readers who many not be aware of this, Janata party was the coalition of opposition parties, including Bharatiya Jana Sangh that had come together after the emergency to defeat Mrs Gandhi’s Congress], as a result a deadlock arose and the government fell. When the new government was formed and Chaudhary Charan Singh became Prime Minister, Zulfiqarullah Saheb was given the portfolio of Post and Telegraph. But differences arose with Chaudhary Saheb. Chandara Shekhar was leading the defecting group. He was a socialist and was also one of the fair-minded politicians. We went with him. There was a re-election. Bhai Saheb stood from Saharanpur and due to ballot ragging lost only by five thousand votes. Zulfiqarullah Saheb contested from Kerana and lost too. Thus, soon after its rise started the decline of Majlis. However, until 1989 Majlis continued to represent itself in UP assembly.
Again, there were elections in UP in 1985 and two candidates of Majlis won, Fazlul Bari Saheb and another gentleman whose name I cannot recall. I contested from Deoband. That was the first occasion when Muslims of this town unitedly voted for a single candidate. The extreme of it was that, I cannot say it about Maulana Asad Madani’s family, but even the members of the family of Maulana Usman Saheb [a veteran Congress politician and chairman of Deoband Municipal Board] had voted for me. But, sadly, the voting ratio of Muslims in those days used to be only 25- 30 percent.
This was such a challenging situation for Thakur Mahabir Singh, who had been an MLA for the last 25 years, that he used every possible trick to misguide the voters and went around inciting the constituents by asking, ‘Will you make me lose at the hands of a young lad and create a second Pakistan?’
By this time the political culture of the country had declined and the success in it started to depend on money. Now only if you have money you can stay in politics, otherwise there is nothing for you here.
By 1989 Babri Mosque issue had intensified. In 1991 Bhai Saheb organised Insaf [justice] rally all over UP. He had only one demand: we must trust the apex court and communal harmony must not be harmed. He was particularly appealing to the Hindus and telling them that the atmosphere should not polarised by bringing the dispute to the streets. He said that let the court settle the dispute and whatever the outcome, this should be accepted by everyone.
Come 1991, Bhai Saheb began staying anxious. I think he had also started writing the history of the dispute.
Before I forget, I should also tell you about an important incident. The day when Babri Mosque was unlocked, Bhai Saheb and Fazlul Bari Saheb were travelling by train from Lucknow to Delhi to attend a meeting the next morning. I do not remember correctly if the scheduled meeting had been called by Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawrat or by Muslim Personal Law Board. There were one or two Sanghi MLAs in the same compartment. Fazlul Bari, who had gone to sleep, was woken up by one of them saying, ‘O Qaid-e-Azam, Babri Mosque has been unlocked and [Hindu] worship has been initiated in there.’ He held a newspaper in his hand. Bari Saheb took the newspaper from him, had a look at it and handed it back to him he said, ‘It’s alright. By the day after tomorrow it will be locked again.’ He was shocked and surprised and said, ‘O Qaid-e-Azam! What are you talking about?’
The next day they attended the scheduled meeting. Maulana Mannatullah Rehmani, Syed Shahabudin and many known leaders of the community were present in it. Fazlul Bari Saheb put a suggestion before them and said, ‘They [the government] have said that the mosque has been unlocked because there is no danger to public order. Therefore, let this meeting decide and make an announcement that we will offer next Friday prayer in Ajodhya and that Maulana Ali Mian will lead the prayer. I will bring enough crowd from Basti, Bahraich, and Azamgarh and they will have to put the lock again. If we do not do anything now, we will have to face a situation worse than 1947.’
At that time, we had no idea that the religious leadership in their meeting with Rajiv Gandhi had agreed that if the government changed its stand on Shah Bano case, Muslims will not show any resistance on Babri Mosque. In the meeting Shahabuddin Saheb shed tears and rest of them remained quiet. May Allah bless the soul of Fazlul Bari, he pleaded repeatedly and said that the issue should not be allowed to turn into a movement. He said that it was necessary to stop it from becoming a movement and the only way to do so was that Muslim leadership showed courage and made an announcement to that effect. He promised to bring a crowed after which the mosque would be locked again.
On 6th December, Babri Mosque was demolished. Muslims were pushed to the wall. Muslim leadership ceased to have any weight. Anti-Muslim riots broke out all over the country. Even a town like Deoband, where there was no disturbance even in 1947, could not remain safe from this fire of hatred and four people died.
Ghazali: Please tell us something about some of the characters in this story who used Muslim Majlis as a jumping pad to launch themselves into politics and crossed all the limits of opportunism.
Badar Kazmi: Student leaders of AMU who came very close to Dr Saheb included Azam Khan, Arif Mohammad Khan, Akhtarul Wasey. Javed Habib, Z.K. Faizan and a few others. Only after his death was it found out that Dr Saheb supported some of them financially as well. I can’t reveal their names. After that, all of them disappeared. For example, Azam Khan fought 1974 and 1977 elections on Majlis’ ticket. In 1980 he went away with Choudhary Charan Singh and then joined Mulayam Singh and slowly even stopped recognising old friends. So, this is more an issue of serving personal interests.
The same is true about Arif Mohammad Khan. Piloo Mody had asked Dr Saheb to give Arif Mohammad Khan to him. ‘Give this young man to me’. He said. At that time Biju Patnaik, Piloo Mody, Raj Narain and Charan Singh had entered into an alliance. So Arif Khan went with them. However, he became a minister on Majlis’ quota. His major differences with the community arose at the time of Shah Bano case controversy when he delivered a speech in the parliament. The speech was written by Akhtarul Wasey. It was the time when he took a turn and devoted himself to studying Islam. [After the publication of Urdu version of this interview on this blog, Akhtarul Wasey has denied that the speech was written by him: Ghazali]
And it’s not only him, a man like Mohammad Masood Khan, May Allah SWT bless his soul, who had become a minister on Majlis’ quota, too left Majlis and joined Charan Shingh and was sent to Rajya Sabbha.
Ilyas Azmi, who has been an MP twice, once from Samaj Wadi and another time from SP. He too has left Majlis. But one must admit that unlike others Ilyas Azmi Saheb has not forgotten Dr Saheb. Even today he remembers him and often mentions his name.
Alam Badi Azmi is a Smajwadi MLA. He fought two elections under Majlis’ banner. He is too old now. May Allah bless him with health and a long life. But not even by mistake does he mention Dr Saheb’s name. Whenever he talks, he talks about Mulayam Singh. I just feel amazed at these guys.
Badar Kazmi’s last meeting with Arif Mohammad Khan
Ghazali: Of all the personalities you have talked about, Azam Khan and Arif Mohammad Khan are most prominent. In 1972 when I was very young, I remember the photograph of the then president of students’ union, Arif Mohammad Khan and Honorary Secretary Akhtarul Wasey, along with others, on a sit-in protest in front of parliament house. Next day came the news of their rustication from the University. I remember how sad I was. Then in 1974 when I joined the AMU I saw Arif Mohammad Khan at the room of a senior. When I shook his hands, I had a feeling of immense pleasure and awe. As Arif Mohhamd Khan left, I heard another senior saying, ‘He is a great opportunist. Soon he will join the Congress and will change his Qibla. Similarly, Akhtarul Wasey will be offered lectureship and silenced. I was very sad and disappointed when I heard such opinions about them. However, Akhtarul Wasey has not sold the interests of the community. He said goodbye to politics and went into academics. However, as far as Arif Mohammad Khan is concerned, he took a principled stand on Shahbano case but the image of him to emerge later is that of someone who, due to differences with his brother, stoops so low that he joins hands with an avowed enemy of the family from whom even the honour of the womenfolk is not safe.
Badar Kazmi: Until he had not joined the Hindutva camp, I regarded him as someone who could be forgiven. However, I cannot defend the role he is now playing. The way he was treated and humiliated in the wake of Shahbano case, specially by the religious class, he thought that he was being politically murdered. And it is not that the attacks on him were merely verbal, he was also subjected to physical attacks. There were three attempts on his life. In one of these, in the funeral of Professor Mujib, he was struck with an iron bar on his head. This one could have been fatal. He had to be taken immediately to All India Medical Institute. There the doctors said that if he had been delayed by 10-15 minutes he would have died. This incident distanced him and took him very far from us. I think after this incident his comeback to the community became impossible. Already he was not happy with the religious scholars but after this incident his hatred towards them crossed all limits. After this incident he changed his direction completely. I met him about two years ago. I can show you the photograph with him.
I told him, ‘Brother, let the bygone be bygone. You can still help the community and provide leadership to it. Today’s situation is not what it used to be. There is a large section within the community that does not agree with the religious scholars on the issue of Muslim personal law. I am one of them myself. At that time, on this issue, I was against you. But after studying it deeply, I found out that Muslims’ stand on it was wrong.’ But he became furious. ‘What are you talking about’ He said. ‘Which community are you talking about? This is an undisciplined crowed. No one wants to listen to reason. They have been after my life. What can I do for them?’
I said, ‘Just a particular section is not the whole community. Show some courage. Come out and talk to the community. Tell them about the role we should play in this country. Just like Dr Saheb could not be accused of sectarianism, you too cannot be accused of it. This way you can regain your respect within the community. But for this you will have to be patient and persistent.’ He did not agree with anything, adding that he had left politics for good and would devote himself to studying and research. Then, as soon as the BJP came to power he was appointed as the Governor of Kerala. You may or may not agree with me, the fact is that Muslims’ salvation lies in getting rid of mullaism.
Ghazali: The mullaism you are talking about, be it the religious leadership or the traditional leadership all of them have been side-lined. What is important for me is the fact that a great change is already discernible in the thinking of the madrasa graduates. However, as far as opportunism is concerned, no one becomes an opportunist suddenly. Such people have ingrained germs of this moral disease. The name of Javed Habib comes to mind. He faced all sorts of hardships but did not compromise on principles.
Badar Kazmi: He was a sincere man. He was sincere to the community as well as to Islam. He had no personal agenda. One thing you need to understand is that the generation and the individuals in it who were sincere to the community, who were Godfearing and who held the interests of the community close to their hearts have gone to their graves. Today’s politics is of selfishness and self-interests. If anyone has left some love in him for the community, this comes second. The first preference is to build your own life, community comes after that. Better recognise this reality. Some of those from the older and selfless generation who are still alive are like the flickering light of the morning lamp and are about to extinguish any moment.
We were talking about ideological commitment. In the name of Majlis what we have today are the letterheads and a few banners. You cannot regenerate the zeal of the past. Those generations are gone. Take the example of Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani. No matter how much one differs with him. This was the man that when the Padama Shri award was offered to him, he refused to accept it and returned the money saying that that was not what he had served the country for. This proves that the man had a character and that his objective was not to serve self-interests. Now look at his children. They are before you. Arshad Madani was praised for fighting for the youths implicated in terrorism. Because of this I too had developed a soft spot for him. But then came the news of his connections with the intelligence agencies and that he gets some of the youths released and some are made to make false confessions and are left to continue to suffer in jails. His former lawyer Mahmood Paracha has also said it.
To date, Arshad Madani has given no details of his meeting with Mohan Bhagwat. However, the impact of this meeting was that when Mohan Bhagwat said that every citizen of India is a Hindu, he supported him and said that there was nothing wrong in Bhagwat’s statement. In order to support him, he referred to Lughat-e-Majazi and even recited couplets. So he has no problem in calling himself a Hindu. And then come his statements alleging that these people [RSS and Hindutva forces] are taking the country towards a Hindu rule.
Mahmood Madani says, ‘We rejected Nizam-e-Mustafa’. He says Muslims are Indians by choice. What nonsense! Those who were Indians by choice have long died. Your ancestors [who chose to live in India in 1947] could say this. How can you make such a claim? Indian Muslims are Indians by birth. They have equal rights on this land. What the hell do you want? Why on earth are you creating confusion in the community? He travelled all the way to Geneva, held a press conference there and said that he was with the government on the issue of Kashmir. After coming back, he claimed to have taken the hit of the bullet on his chest. How can any sense of self-respect survive in the community in such circumstances?
However, during anti-CAA demonstrations one good thing has happened and it is that the traditional leadership, be it the ‘Mr’ or the ‘Mulla’, all of them have been sent home. As a matter of fact, I will say that like the AMU had played its role at times in the past, Jamia has played its role now. Holding the tricolour in their hands they came forward with the ideology of their founders, asserted their identity as Indians and impressed the whole country. It was after this that demonstrations started all over the country. This is what our conduct should be. It is not that we do not respect the national flag. But if those attacking us are trying to polarise the situation using this issue, let us display our respect to the national flag and the constitution and assert our identity as Indians. Anyway, no one really knows which direction things are going to go.
Ghazali: Among the present leaders one sometimes looks up to Asaduddin Owaisi. What do you think about him?
Badar Kazmi: Let me remind you that on the abolition of Art 379, when there was a complete silence in the community and no Muslim politician was showing the courage to say anything, Owaisi took a clear and bold stand. On this I supported him wholeheartedly. I said that what Owaisi had said was the united voice of the Muslim community.
At one time his late father had helped us. So, we had a soft spot for him. We tried to contact him. You will remember late Saleem Peerzada had written three letters to him but he did not bother to even acknowledge the receipt, let alone replying.
At present, when all of us have failed and due to lack of resources and scarce means, we are unable to do anything, Almighty Allah has blessed him with means and resources. He has immense wealth. I wanted to cooperate with him. This was my wish. We never wanted him to give us positions or party tickets. What we wanted was him to sit with some seniors in different parts of Uttar Pradesh, formulate a strategy and then move forward. But, sadly, he does not even want to talk to anyone. He knows everyone and recognises them but does not want to talk to them. I am not the one who easily fall victim to suspicion and distrust. But looking at the spectacle unfolding before us, one feels that the strings are being pulled from somewhere else. It looks like the role of the B team. It was fine for him to fight election in Maharashtra. But what is the logic behind going to Jharkhand and fighting election there? Why?
You want to come and field candidates here. Most welcome. But have you prepared the ground here for this? Any party that seeks to fight elections, will have to reach out to people. Will have to send a message to the public. You will have to make committees. You should have workers at polling booths. But here, you have done nothing on the ground, and you are coming without any planning but in a very casual manner. What is this, man? One fails to understand all this.
Let me say it categorically that such actions are not in our interest. This is someone else’s agenda who benefit from arousing sectarian hatred between the Hindus and Muslims. No minority anywhere in the world can prosper by challenging the majority. There will always be issues and problems. But these are resolved with wisdom, amicably and through negotiations.
Ghazali: Among the Muslim leaders one more name that comes to mind is Azam Khan. You have been in touch with him as well. What is your opinion about him?
Badar Kazmi: Azam Khan’s miscalculations have taken a heavy toll on him. Under my chairmanship, a meeting was held in Rampur in 1973. I think it was Shamsi Saheb’s residence in Bazar Nasrullah Khan where this meeting was organised and it was I who registered him as a member of Muslim Majlis. He contested elections on Majlis’ ticket in 1974 and 1977. Until 1980 he displayed respect and kindness towards others. In those days, in community affairs, he used to listen to differing views. But after that he developed a sense of megalomania and started to believe that if there was any honest and sincere Muslim politician in India, it was him and the rest of them were dishonest and corrupt. Along with that, he also became very rigid in his views and because of that he started misbehaving in extremely unbecoming manner with people of religious identity. This behaviour started showing signs of him distancing himself from us.
In the last election he miscalculated the situation and convinced himself that whatever happens, his party would form the next government. But neither could they form government at the centre nor in UP where they, specially him, have been left [to suffer] on their own.There are reports that in Rampur he really committed excesses towards individuals and their families. And, forgive me for saying this. It seems that, with few exceptions, all of the leaders that AMU has given to the community, their prime priorities were serving self-interests. Community interests were of secondary importance. All of them started their careers in the name of the community but when the time came, community was shifted to the back burner and self-interests came to the forefront. You build a university and decide to become its chancellor for life. Fine, but then you also start committing cruelties against individuals. When he was expelled from the party, he alleged that all the underclothes worn by Mulayam Singh were saffron [implying that he hides his real Hinduva face]. Then came the time when he said that the first person to dine at the wedding of his son would be Mulayam Singh. So, what does he have to do with the community anymore? He has no concern for the community. Now what remains is: me, my wife and my children!
Ghazali: You said that Azam Khan has a very contemptuous attitude towards people with religious appearance. What do you mean by religious appearance?
Badar Kazmi: People with beard, caps and those associated with madrasas and mosques. Since Azam Khan has also been a minister of Auwqaf, he has learned about several cases of corruptions and misappropriation. This revelation, too, developed in him a sort of extremism. Now he thinks that there is no one who is honest. But this is a very wrong attitude. You cannot paint everyone with the same brush.
Ghazali: But you too are accused of hating religious scholars.
Badar Kazmi: No. My hatred is not for everyone. As far as madrasas are concerned, I am only against the culture [of intolerance and narrowmindedness] being promoted there and the type of generation being prepared in them. The type of graduates these madrasas are producing, are unable to perform their roles properly. This is what pains me. You know it very well how much I respected Maulana Qari Tayyeb Saheb and Maulana Salim Saheb.
Let me narrate an incident relating to Maulana Ali Mian. I did not want to mention it, but you have left me no choice. [Becoming very emotional and with tears in eyes] I cannot forget the pain and shock Maulana Ali Mian had caused to Dr Saheb.
Dr Saheb never sought donations for Muslim Majlis. He spent his own money in its cause. When the 1974 election approached, our preparations were in full swing. A large room of this size was full of election materials, posters, pamphlets and appeals from Maulana Ali Mian that he himself had dictated. Maulana Ali Mian, with his photographs, occupied the most important position in all of these. Let it also be said that it was on Maulana Ali Mian’s insistence that Dr Saheb had formed Muslim Majlis. He had said, ‘Dr Saheb! Doctors will keep practicing medicines and engineers will practice their profession and this community will be destroyed [due to the negligence and inaction of its elites and well-off members]. This is how, on Ali Mian’s insistence, Dr Saheb jumped into politics.
Then one day Bahuguna ji, the then chief minister of UP, paid a visit to Maulana Ali Mian to ‘seek his blessings and reap spiritual benefits.’ Bear in mind preparations for the election are complete, literature is ready to be distributed and Bahuguna ji visits Maulana very briefly.
In those days, the strip on the bank of Gomti river was not paved. It used to be rough and dusty. Ali Mian requested Bahuguna ji to have it paved which the later got done within three days. After this Ali Mian phoned Dr Saheb and, apologising for his decision, he asked him not to issue the appeal he had dictated. Although I was young at that time, I was very close to Dr Saheb. Allah knows [almost crying] I had never seen such a dejection and disappointment on Dr Saheb’s face. Bhai Saheb used to say that had Dr Saheb lived, after the election India would have witnessed yet another war between Jinnah and Azad.
Ghazali: There are misunderstandings about you as well. For example, your role in Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawrat and its division into two groups.
Badar Kazmi: I was coming to that. Whatever I have achieved in life I owe it to Bhai Saheb. He trained and educated me. The man who was responsible for the division in Mushawrat was late Syed Shahabuddin. Zulfaqarullah Saheb was the president of Mushawrat and Shahabuddin Saheb bypassed him and captured Mushawrat. Mushawrat had received a donation of about eight lakh rupees for the victims of Hashmipura and Maliana massacre. I do not remember if it came from within the country or from abroad. Syed Shahabuddin Saheb deposited the sum in fixed deposit account in Kanara Bank. I feel sad to think that a man like Shahabuddin had done such a thing. And to date no one has rectified this mistake. On this issue Bhai Saheb had serious differences and it was because of this that division occurred in Mushawrat. Bhai Saheb filed a suit against Syed Shahabuddin Saheb and Maulana Ali Mian in Deoband court on the plea that the donation that had come for the relief of the victims has not been disbursed among them. The case was jointly filed by late Dr Shakeel Saheb and Bhai Saheb. I had no knowledge about the case. When it came to my knowledge, I was going to Saharanpur and Dr Shakeel Saheb’s clinic happened to be on my way. I went to him and said, ‘Those who live in glass houses do not throw stones on others.’ He was rather surprised [at my sudden appearance and blunt question]. Looking at me in disbelief he explained, ‘What do you mean!’ I said to him that I was going to Saharanpur and would talk to him in the evening.
The next morning I went to Bhai Saheb and took Dr Shakeel saheb with me on my scooter. I told him that only because of his friendship with Zulfiqarullah Saheb he had spared him. So he should leave Ali Mian alone as well. I told him rather forcefully that Ali Mian was seen with great respect within and outside the country and that if he wished to file the case he should have done it against Shahabuddin Saheb and his team. I told Bhai Saheb that his action would damage his reputation. But he did not listen to me. The case was transferred to Saharanpur where a Muslim judged dismissed it.
What I mean is that whatever Ali Mian did to Dr Saheb is a separate issue but I have never used bad language for him. I respect his scholarship. I criticise madrasas because there was a time when teachers in these institutions used to come from good families and their graduates used to be knowledgeable and talented. But what happens today is that if parents have a child who they think is not intelligent enough they enrol him in a madrasa thinking that if he cannot do anything else in life, he would at least become a maulvi. As a result, what has been coming out of madrasas is before everyone to see.
Ghazali: In a book Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawrat: Ek Mukhtasar Tareekh, by Mohammad Alamullah, it is alleged that after the end of your tenure as the general secretary of Mushawrat, at some point, Shafi Munis Saheb wrote a letter to you asking you to hand over the accounts of Mushawrat but in your response you said that you did not recognise him.
Badar Kazmi: In Mushawrat I figured only as a nominee of Muslim Majlis. I have never held any post in it. The allegation is either the result of some misunderstanding or there is misprinting. The correspondence in question might have taken place between Shafi Moonis Saheb and Bhai Saheb.
source: http://www.ghazalikhan.com / headline edited / June 19th, 2020
Almost 150 years have passed since Sir Syed launched his Aligarh Movement and established the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (now AMU) in Aligarh. But sadly, the campaign of slurs, innuendoes, and ridicule against a sincere and committed benefactor of the community and a great educationist goes unabated. A section of Muslims continues, unabashedly, to stoke hatred against him. If my words sound harsh then please listen to this.
But in contrast to such a lot, some individuals study history with an open mind, analyse past events objectively and present facts as they have been recorded. One such scholar is Noorul Hasan Rashid Kandhalvi, who has dug out and published rare information on the relationship between MAO College, Darul Uloom Deoband, and the founders of these two institutions in his book Marajul Bahrain—literally meaning ‘merger of two seas’.
Although the book is supposed to be a biography of Maulana Abdullah Ansari, a great scholar, who has gone missing in the pages of history, this is also an invaluable documentation on the closeness and cooperation between Aligarh and Deoband in the early days of their inception and at a time when the divide between what is called secular education and religious education looked insurmountable.
Piles and piles of books have been written on the hostility of Muslim theologians towards secular or western education. What has been described in these scholarly works is not entirely untrue. But the allegation that Deoband had declared an all-out war against Sir Syed is a brazen distortion of facts, for, at a time when the Muslim clergy had launched a vicious campaign to declare Sir Syed an apostate, deserving to be killed, the founder of Darul Uloom Deoband, Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi had not only refused to become part of this campaign but went as far as expressing his adoration and admiration for him and his work. For example, responding to a question raised by a common friend Maulana Qasim wrote:
‘Peerji Saheb, this sinner never indulges in arguments with anyone. And why should he? What is there so important to warrant him to involve himself in challenging someone and indulge in a fight? What is the need to disrupt my own good pursuits and get involved in this selfish controversy? There is no doubt that I am an admirer of what I have heard about Syed Saheb’s high-thinking and his heart-felt concern and anguish for the Muslims. It will therefore be justified to express my love for him on this account. However, I am equally, or maybe a bit more, grieved and doubtful by what I have heard about his flawed beliefs.’ (Tasfia-tul-Aqaid page 6)
(This excerpt is from a 39-page booklet in which two great personalities of their time are addressing each other through Peerji Muhammad Arif Saheb. On three pages Sir Syed is clarifying his position while rest of 36 pages contain Maulana Qasim Saheb’s response in which nowhere does he express any hatred against Sir Syed or his disapproval or opposition to western education.)
Please, have a look again at this tribute to Sir Syed by Maulana Qasim: ‘There is no doubt that I am an admirer of what I have heard about Syed Saheb’s high-thinking and his heart-felt concern and anguish for the Muslims. It will therefore be justified to express my love for him on this account.’ (Emphasis mine).
In addition to the rare and well-researched information provided by the author, Marajul Bahrain carries interesting articles by two great-grandsons of Maulana Abdullah Ansari—Late Dr Abidullah Ghazi and Muhammad Tariq Ghazi— Maulana Saud Qasmi, former Dean of Theology Department of AMU and by Dr Rahat Abrar, Former Public Relations officer AMU.
At the time when the storm raised against Sir Syed by Muslim theologians was at its peak, Maulana Qasim’s student, son-in-law and nephew took an even more daring step and joined Sir Syed’s MAO College. But this was not an easy decision. For this, he had to earn the displeasure of some of his spiritual guides. Giving an example of this Dr Abdullah Ghazi quotes Haji Imdadullah Muhajir Makki as having written toMaulana Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi:
‘I am surprised to hear about Maulvi Abdullah. Alas! Despite his claim to be a sufi and the progeny of pious ancestors, he has joined the college which to the ulema-e-Akhirat [scholars whose all emphasis is on the hereafter] is [a symbol of] atheism and which is against faith and religion. And that, as you have written, he has joined the school of naturalists with my permission, is, all praise be to God, is a big accusation… Ulema-e-Akhirat do not regard those associated with this college as religious people. On the contrary, they view them as against religion, be they the scholars or the sons of pious ones…’
Dr Abidulla Ghazi writes:
‘Maulana Ansari had taken such a decision, against the advice of his spiritual guide, and in violation of the principles and etiquettes of [spiritual] allegiance, because of the bright prospects for propagation and preaching [of religion] in Aligarh. But neither Maulana Ansari broke his allegiance; nor did Haji Imdadullah excommunicate him from the circle of his vicegerents. However, it must have definitely affected his relations with Haji saheb and other scholars of Deoband.’
But what was it that warranted Maulana Ansari to earn the displeasure of his spiritual guides? Dr Abidulla Ghazi writes:
‘(1) Maulana Abdullah Ansari’s joining Sir Syed’s mission earned it extraordinary support [from the laity as well as from the ulema]. Those who were so far reluctant [in cooperating with Sir Syed] joined his mission; those who were already associated with it, became fellow travellers; (2) By establishing a theology department and preparing a syllabus for it, following the established traditions of madarsas, he removed the prevalent doubts about Sir Syed’s beliefs. (3) Maulana Ansari’s presence in the institution and his teachings and training to the students created an atmosphere that protected [and promoted] ibadat [worship] and [Islamic] customs. (4) Several institutions in the country benefited from the academic status and work of Maulana Ansari. He made special contributions and provided guidance in the establishment and development of Nadwatul Ulema. (5) The presence of Maulana Ansari [in AMO College] served as a bridge between the ulema and modern intellectuals that paved the way for the mutual cooperation in future. (6) Maulana Ansari’s initial work paved the way for the establishment of Faculty of Theology with separate departments of Sunni and Shi’a theology, Islamic Studies, Arabic, Persian and Urdu.’
Abidullah Saheb adds:
‘Sir Syed’s extraordinary appreciation of the services rendered by Maulana Ansari may be judged from the fact that he came up to the expectations Sir Syed had of him and there was not even a slight dent in his respect [for Maulana Ansari] until his last breath [so much so that] he appointed him to be the Imam in his last journey.’ [made a bequest that Maulana Ansari lead his funeral prayer.]’
As for those whose minds are unclear about Sir Syed’s mission even after 150 years, maybe this letter written by Sir Syed, before Maulana Ansari’s appointment would open their eyes. The book contains the full text of the letter. But because of its length, I am producing the translation of some excerpts from it:
‘…Madarsatul Uloom is a place where the majority of the youths are Muslims. Inculcating in them piety; inducing them to adopt high morals, in accordance to the teachings of the Holy Prophetﷺ; spreading the love for Islam; making them adhere to Islamic duties; creating in them aversion for violence, highhandedness, biases and prejudices, and leading towards godliness is a religious duty and highly rewarding [with God]… Maulvi Abdullah is the son of Maulvi Ansar Ali, grandson of Mamlook Ali, son-in-law of Moulvi Muhammad Qasim. I had personal acquaintance with these pious personalities. I hope that by virtue of being in the company of these pious figures, Maulvi Abduallah has imbibed these qualities and he will perform these tasks as his religious duty and by virtue of his love for Islam.… The tasks that I expect of him during his stay in the madarsa [MAO College] can be summarised as follows. Firstly, he manages the mosque’s affairs, and himself leads five times prayers… This will increase the number of students attending the congregation and enhance their zeal to attend congregational prayers. Secondly, [I expect him to] give a lecture after Friday prayer or, at times, after any of the daily prayers. The students of the College are themselves well educated and know various sciences. [Therefore] This will benefit them immensely if, from time to time, they are briefed about the high morals and noble practices of the Holy Prophetﷺ, virtuous deeds and the conduct of his companions and other religious scholars [and are told about the importance of] piety, love for God, performance of religious duties with sincerity; respect for parents and teachers, mutual sympathy among Muslims, the beauty and simplicity of Islam; Oneness and Greatness of God, the beauty of the Holy Qur’an and the teachings of the Holy Prophetﷺ … My real aim is to create love in the hearts of the students for daily-five-times-prayers, make them realise the importance of offering prayers with jama’t [congregation] and enthuse them with it… [I also want] Those who are absent from prayers be questioned and be persuaded to change their habit… Those who are absent from prayers without any [acceptable] justification… Maulvi Saheb [Maulana Abdullah Ansari] should talk to them privately, do some counselling and explain to them that they should pray and join the congregation … To be precise, in comparison to the worldly punishments administered by the Principal, such affectionate counselling would be more effective.’
These excerpts from a long letter penned by Sir Syed should leave no doubt in anyone’s mind about his real mission and about what he wanted to achieve through this college. Commenting on the impact of religious education and students’ attitude towards religion, Noorul Hasan Rashidi writes:
‘The need of instilling the importance of prayers in the hearts of the students, [asking Maulana Rashidi to] lead prayers himself, and the preaching and counselling that Sir Syed has emphasised upon in his letter, had started showing its effectiveness from the very early days…’
He writes: ‘Maulana Abdullah Ansari’s efforts had created such a discipline in the students that they had willingly become punctual in prayers and used to attend the mosque in such large numbers that the mosque used to be packed, and students were visible all around.’
In this context, he quotes a letter by Allama Shibli Nomani in which Shibli narrates:
‘Maghrib prayer? Praise be to Allah! What a magnificent sight this is! One’s heart starts bouncing with excitement [at this scene]. Syed Saheb [Sir Syed] too joins the prayers. Because he happens to be an Ahl-e-Hadith, he loudly pronounces “Ameen”. The echo of his “Ameen” increases, even more, the state of one’s religious zeal. I feel proud that I have played some part in creating this new life [in the college].’
Commenting on the last sentence of Shibli, the author opines:
Maulana Shibli has given the impression that the change in the students and their interest in religion is the result of his training. It is possible that Shibli had also taken part in giving this training to the students. But Shibli did not have much contact with the Department of Theology, and he only lectured on Qur’an attended by the students with keen interest. Students’ attendance in prayers in large numbers and their keen interest in religion resulted from Maulana Abdullah Ansari’s hard work.
The very special status that Maulana Ansari enjoyed at Aligarh was that not only was he the first Dean but he was appointed in contrast to the standard procedure and through Sir Syed’s personal decision in which neither the members of the College nor the administration were entitled to interfere.
Would that the administration, teachers and the students of AMU had read the rare references and excerpts quoted by the author. But, alas, what to talk of the present generation decline had started in Sir Syed’s own time. Writes Noorul Hasan Rashid:
‘But even during his own life there came such a turning point in this movement that it started losing focus and subsequently these objectives disappeared from sight. What to talk of the real aims and objectives even if a glimpse of these is shown to those who are associated with Aligarh [today], they would react with aghast and say: “was it really so?”’
Countless writings by individuals and coteries with vested interest are replete with misquotations and distorted write-ups of Sir Syed. Rarely would such people refer to this message from him to the youths:
‘It is Islam that you have to live and die with, and you will have to protect it. What is it to us, if anyone among the children of our community rises as high as the shining stars in the sky but does not remain a Muslim? The only progress made while also establishing Islam is the real welfare of the community. We hope that you will always uphold Islam and will progress along with it. It will benefit you and bring prestige to the community, and future generations will benefit from it too.’
Except for the differences between Sir Syed and the Deobandi Ulema, their relationship was pretty cordial in the formative years of these two movements. As far as Sir Syed is concerned, he regarded the presence of Maulana Abdullah as a good omen and a blessing for the college. Sir Syed’s love and respect for Maulana Qasim Nanotvi is evident from his condolence note on him quoted by Dr Rahat Abrar in his essay in the book. Here are a few excerpts:
‘Time has mourned deaths of many and will lament on the deaths of many more in future, but to mourn the death of someone who seemingly leaves no successor to replace him is a matter of great sadness and pain. There was a time when among the ulema of Delhi, some were known and respected for their piety and knowledge. Equally, they had no match in their simplicity and humility. People thought that there would [perhaps] be no one like Maulvi Ishaq in quality after him. However, through his exemplary piety, virtuous values and simplicity, Maulvi Qasim has proved that Allah did produce another one with these qualities, perhaps, more superior than him as far as these qualities are concerned. Even those who disagreed with him on issues would admit that in this time and age, he had no match — he might not have been as deep in knowledge as compared to Shah Abdul Aziz, but in other aspects, he was superior to him. If he was not superior to Maulvi Ishaq in matters of humility, piety, and virtuousness, he was not inferior either. He had an angelic nature and angelic qualities. The departure of such a personality is very painful and tormenting for all those who survive him.’
After receiving the first report published by Darul Uloom Deoband, Sir Syed expressed his impressions thus:
‘Deoband is a small town. Although not a very famous city, by looking at the resolve, determination and pious thinking of its residents, one is forced to give it precedence over well-known cities… Hats off to them, that due to their concern, there has been tremendous progress in quantity and quality within a short period.’
Maulana Abdullah Ansari’s family tree goes back to one of the most prominent companions of the Prophetﷺ, Abu Ayyub Ansari. On this aspect, the book contains a detailed and interesting article by Tarq Ghazi saheb.
An incident, narrated in the book, of the earlier days of the College that relates to the hard work by Maulana Abdullah Ansari and the atmosphere created by him would be of interest to the readers.
The king of Afghanistan Ameer Habeebullah Khan had come to visit the college. When he was taken to the Department of Theology, he refused to give any opinion without testing the boys. For this Maulana Abdullah selected and presented 50 students for the test. The King picked up some of them and asked them to sit close to him. He then asked a student to recite any verse from the Holy Qur’an that he could remember. The student recited a part of Sarah Ali ‘Imranin his beautiful voice in the Egyptian style. The recitation mesmerised the audience. Tears were flowing from the King’s eyes. As the boy finished recitation, the Ameer stood up and made a speech. At times he spoke in Urdu, Persian and English, and kept saying that whatever had been reported to him about the college was wrong.
Later he admitted that he had deliberately asked difficult questions on Islamic jurisprudence and said: ‘I have tested the students and satisfied myself. And now my answer is that everything is fine here, and I am very pleased.’
Reviewer’s Personal Gratitude to the Author:
As someone who does not only come from Deoband but studied at Aligarh as well, feeling indebted to the author is only natural. But now, a very personal reason has been added to this sense of indebtedness.
In my childhood, I had heard from my grandfather, Hafiz Abdul Jalil Khan, and other elders in the family that the grandfather of my grandfather Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan was in the first batch of graduates of Darul Uloom Deoband. They said that he had also taught at this great institution. Among the relatives in Deoband, it is common knowledge that Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan was a great scholar. According to my grandfather, Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan had a strong inclination towards Sufism and devoted much of his time to studying and worshipping. Family sources say that he had a vast personal library, but because no one could carry his academic legacy and look after his books, all of them were donated to Darul Uloom Deoband. His son and my great-grandfather, Abdul Hafeez Khan, was more interested in local politics and little zamindari. He was also an elected member of the local municipal board.
We had heard these stories since our childhood. Still, when Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan’s name was not included in the list of either the students or the teachers published at the centenary celebrations of Darul Uloom Deoband, I, along with other youths of the family, started suspecting the authenticity of what we had been hearing about Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan because all of these were mere oral claims unsubstantiated by documentary evidence. Noorul Hazan Kandhalvi Saheb has indeed done a tremendous personal favour to me and to my family members by providing documentary proof of it.
After seeing Maulana Abdul Aziz’s name in the above-reviewed book, I thought to have a look at ‘Darul Uloom Deoband ki Jame wa Mukhtasar Tareekh’ (A Comprehensive and Brief History of Darul Uloom Deoband). Thankfully this too has his name on page 760. Please see the scanned image below.
Some excerpts from Marajul Bahrain:
‘Generally, it is written and said that the first batch of the graduates of Darul Uloom Deoband was the one that included Hazrat Maulana Ashraf Ali Saheb Thanvi. But despite being prevalent and often referred to in writings, this is not true. The fact is that the first batch of the graduates of Darul Uloom is the one that included Maulana Adullah Ansari et al. It is they who have the credit of being the first graduates of Darul Uloom. Classmates of Maulana Ansari, who have been mentioned in the Roodad [minutes] include:
‘Maulvi Mohammad Murad Pak Pattani, Maulvi Abdullah Khan, Maulvi Abdullah Sahi Anbaitvi and Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan about whom it is claimed that this was the very first batch of the graduates of Darul Uloom.
Scanned image of Maulana Abdul Aziz’s book
‘…After the foundation laying [of Darul Uloom] In Muharramul Haram, 1283H (May 1866) when the list of students, who had been awarded degrees was published in 1289H, 1872AD, it had the names of Maulvi Murad Saheb Pakpattani, Malvi Abdullah Khan Saheb Gawaliari, Maulvi Abdul Aziz Khan Saheb Deobandi and Maulvi Abdullah Ansari Ambatvi. The Madarsa [Darul Uloom] Deoband had declared them its first batch of graduates and were awarded degrees. By that time, Dastarbandi [ceremony of putting turbans on their heads] had not been introduced….
‘The Madarsa [Darul Uloom Deoband] had established a good practice since the very beginning that the best answers on the [text] books included in the annual exams used to be included in the annual report of the madarsa. Following this principle, the questions asked in the exam and the answers given by the first batch of students were also published… It included the answers provided by … Maulana Abdul Aziz Khan Deobandi… These answers reflect the high calibre and deep study, deep thinking and the grasp of the students on the subjects…
source: http://www.ghazalikhan.com / headline edited / October 17th, 2021
