Category Archives: Freedom Fighters (under research project)

Qasim Nanautawi : The Scholar who awakened Muslims through education

July 31, 2022Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Education, First War of Independence 1857 / Naval Mutiny 1946 / Others PreIndependece (wef. July 27th, 2022), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, World OpinionBattle of Shamli, Darul Uloom Deoband, Indian Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, Mahmud Hassan Deobandi, Matbah e Ahmadi, Mebtab Ali, Mohammad Qasim Nanautavi - Founder -Darul Uloom Deoband, Muhammad Nawaz Saharanpuri, Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi, Muslims of Deoband, Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, Positive News on Muslims of Deoband, Positive Stories on Muslims of India, Positive Stories on Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, Qabarastan e Qasimi - Darul Uloom Deoband, Qasim Nanautavi, Shah Abdul Ghani, Wajihuddin Wakilmpositiveone@gmail.com

UTTAR PRADESH :

He is truly a forgotten warrior of the freedom movement. Few know about him and fewer are familiar with his name but delve into the pages of history and you realise that he deserves a better place.

He participated in the Indian Rebellion of 1857 in the Battle of Shamli between the British and the anti-colonialist ulema. The scholars were ultimately defeated at that battle.

He was Mohammad Qasim Nanautawi.

Nanautawi was born in 1832 into the Siddiqui family of Nanauta, a town near Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh.

He was schooled at Nanauta, where he memorised the Quran and learned calligraphy.

At the age of nine, Nanautawi moved to Deoband where he studied at the madrasa of Karamat Hussain. The teacher at this madrasa was Mehtab Ali, the uncle of Mahmud Hasan Deobandi.

On the instruction of Mehtab Ali, Nanautawi completed the primary books of Arabic grammar and syntax.

Thereafter, his mother sent him to Saharanpur, where his maternal grandfather Wajihuddin Wakil, who was a poet of Urdu and Persian, lived.

Wakil enrolled his grandson in the Persian class of Muhammad Nawaz Saharanpuri, under whom, Nanautawi, then aged twelve, completed Persian studies.

In 1844, Nanautawi joined the Delhi College. Although was enrolled in the college, he would take private classes at his teachers’ home, instead of the college.

Nanautawi stayed in Delhi for around five or six years and graduated, at the age of 17.

After the completion of his education, Nanautawi became the editor of the press at Matbah-e-Ahmadi.

During this period, he wrote a scholium on the last few portions of Sahihul Bukhari.

Before the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband, he taught for some time at the Chhatta Masjid. His lectures were delivered at the printing press. His teaching produced a group of accomplished Ulama, the example of which had not been seen since Shah Abdul Ghani’s time.

In 1860, he performed Haj and, on his return, he accepted a profession of collating books at Matbah-e-Mujtaba in Meerut. Nanautavi remained attached to this press until 1868.

In May 1876, a Fair for God-Consciousness was held at Chandapur village, near Shahjahanpur.

Christians, Hindus, and Muslims were invited through posters to attend and prove the truthfulness of their respective religions.

All prominent Ulama delivered speeches at the fair. Nanautawi repudiated the Doctrine of the Trinity, speaking in support of the Islamic conception of God.

Christians did not reply to the objections raised by the followers of Islam, while the Muslims replied to the Christians word by word and won.

Mohammad Qasim Nanautawi established the Darul Uloom Deoband in 1866 with the financial help and funding of the Muslim states within India and the rich individuals of the Muslim Indian community.

He conformed to the Sharia and worked to motivate other people to do so. It was through his work that a prominent madrasa was established in Deoband and a mosque was built in 1868. Through his efforts, Islamic schools were established at various other locations as well.

His greatest achievement was the revival of an educational movement for the renaissance of religious sciences in India and the creation of guiding principles for the madaris (schools).

Under his attention and supervision, madaris were established in several areas.

Under Muhammad Qasim Nanautvi’s guidance, these religious schools, at least in the beginning, remained distant from politics and devoted their services to providing only religious education to Muslim children.

Nanautawi died on 15 April 1880 at the age of 47. His grave is to the north of the Darul-Uloom.

Since Qasim Nanautawi is buried there, the place is known as Qabrastan-e-Qasimi, where countless Deobandi scholars, students, and others are buried.

Significantly, the elders of Deoband took more and more part in the struggle for the independence of the country.

After the establishment of Darul-Uloom, the period of participation in national politics began.

Darul-Uloom, Deoband, was a centre of revolution and political, training. It nurtured such a body of such a body of self-sacrificing soldiers of Islam and sympathisers of the community who themselves wept in the grief of the community and also made others weep; who themselves tossed about restlessly for the restitution of the Muslims’ dignity and caused others also to toss about.

They shattered the Muslims’ intellectual stagnation, they broke up the spell of the British imperialism, and, grappling with the contemporary tyrannical powers, dispelled fear and anxiety from the minds of the country.

They also kindled the candle of freedom in the political wilderness.

It is a historical fact that the political awakening in the beginning of the twentieth century was indebted to Deoband and some other revolutionary movements in the country, and the revolutionary freedom-lovers who rose up there were the products of the grace from the spring of thought of Deoband.

Then, after the establishment of Pakistan, the Indian leaders of Deoband guided the Indian Muslims in utterly adverse circumstances and helped keep up their spirits high. — IANS

source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home / by Amita Verma / July 31st, 2022

Remembering 4 Muslim women who fought for Indian independence

July 27, 2022Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Education, First War of Independence 1857 / Naval Mutiny 1946 / Others PreIndependece (wef. July 27th, 2022), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, Royal Families, PreIndependence -Descendants (wef. Jan 02nd,2022), Women/Girls(since May26-2021)Abadi Bano Begum, Abdul Ali Khan, Amatur Rehaman, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Begum Hazrat Mahal - aka - Begum Hazrat Mahal, Begum Hazrat Mahal - Last Queen of Awadh, Begum Hazrat Mahal (aka) Mahak Pari, Bi Amma aka Abadi Bano Begum, Documentary Film of Begum Hazrat Mahal, Dr Zainul Abedeen Ahmed, Film of Begum Hazrat Mahal, Freedom Fighter Mohammad Abdur Rashid Khan, Freedom Fighters of India, Hajara Begum, Indian Muslims of Punjab, Moulana Mohammed Ali, Moulana Shoukath Ali, Moulana Showkath Ali, Mulim Freedom Fighter of India, Muslim Women Freedom Fighters of India, Muslims in Freedom Fight of India, Muslims of Punjab, Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, Nohammadi Khanum, Positive News of Indian Muslims, Positive News of Indian Women Muslims, Sajjad Zahar, Syed Naseer Ahmed, Wajid Ali Shah, Women Freedom Fighters of India, Zainul Abedeen Ahmedmpositiveone@gmail.com

UTTAR PRADESH / PUNJAB :

Hyderabad:

On the occasion of 74th Independence Day, let us remember these Muslim women who proved their strength, enthusiasm and determinism in the fight for freedom.

These women broke the stereotype of Muslim women in the society, who are merely perceived to be clad in Burqha and were never let out of the house. They participated in the India’s struggle for independence and emerged victorious.

Begum Hazrat Mahal (1830–1879)

Begum Hazrat Mahal, a prominent woman of 1857 rebellion, was born in 1830 Faizabad of Uttar Pradesh. Her actual name was Muhammadi Khanum. Her father is Gulam Hussain of Faizabad. At her tender age itself, she showed good talent in literature.

She was married to Wajid Ali Shah, the Nawab of Awadh. They were blessed with a son Mirza Birjis Khadir Bahadur. On 13 February, 1856, the British troops imprisoned Wajid Ali Shah. They sent him to Calcutta on 13 March and occupied Awadh illegitimately. This irked the people and native rulers.

They revolted against the British under the leadership of Begum Hazrat Mahal. The native rulers and people met at Chavani area of Lucknow, the capital of Awadh on 31May, 1857 and declared independence. They taught a lesson to the British troops and wiped out their power in Lucknow. Later, Begum Hazrat Mahal declared her son Birjis Khadir as the Nawab of Awadh on 7 July, 1857.

As the King’s mother, she gathered 1,80,000 troops and renovated the Lucknow fort spending huge amount of money. She established a high level committee for the good governance of the state. Hazarat Mahal ruled the state on behalf of her son for about ten months and challenged the British force by inspiring patriotism among the people and the fellow native rulers. She issued a historic statement on 31 December, 1858 challenging the proclamation issued by the Queen Victoria on November 1, 1858.

But, when Delhi, the prime center for the First War of Independence was captured, the British troops surrounded and attacked Lucknow in March 1859. There was a fierce battle between the Company troops and the Begum troops. When defeat became inevitable, Begum Hazrat Mahal retreated to the Nepal forests along with the co-revolutionary leaders like Nana Sahib Peshwa and others.

The British rulers offered her huge amount of money and luxurious facilities in order to bring her back to Lucknow. But, the Begum denied them and made it clear that nothing else was acceptable to her except Independent Awadh state. Begum Hazarath Mahal was struggling for the independence of her state till her last breath. She passed away at Khathmound of Nepal on 7 April, 1879. In 1984 Government of India released a postal stamp in her honour.

Abadi Bano Begum (1852-1924)

Abadi Bano Begum, who took active part at par with men in the Indian National Movement, was born in 1852 in Amroha village, Moradabad district of Uttar Pradesh. She was married to Abdul Ali Khan of the Princely State Rampur.

Though she lost her husband at a young age, she did not remarry. She had two sons Moulana Mohammed Ali and Moulana Showkath Ali, who were famous as ‘Ali Brothers’. She nurtured her children, into becoming memorable leaders of the Indian Independence Movement. Her involvement in the freedom movement began with the Home Rule Movement, to which she rendered moral and most importantly, financial support.

When the British government detained the Ali Brothers in Chindanwad village, under the Indian Defence Regulations, she went along with them. When a police official proposed for the surrender of her sons, she bluntly refused saying, ‘If my sons agree to the proposal of the government, I will kill them by strangulation. I hope God will bestow enough energy into this old woman’s hands’. Abadi Bano met Mahatma Gandhi in 1917 for the first time.

There after Mahatma Gandhi always addressed her ‘Ammijan’, and all other freedom fighters followed Gandhi’s address. She helped Mahatma Gandhi and other Khilafath leaders financially for undertaking all India tours.

She attended the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League sessions in 1917, held at Calcutta. She spoke in those meetings emphasising that complete freedom could be achieved through unity between Hindus and Muslims.

She also played a constructive role in the Khilafat and Non[1]Cooperation Movement in 1919. She declared in several meetings that ‘it was her ambition that even the dogs and cats of her country should not be under the slavery of the British’.

The fact that the British government official records treated her as a ‘dangerous person’, which established the kind of challenge she hurled at the colonial rule.

Apart from participating in politics she also guided several women’s organisations all over India. So intensely patriotic and nationalist that Abadi Bano Begum who played an active role in national movement without caring old age, ill health and cruel atrocities of police, breathed her last on 13 November, 1924.

BIBI AMATUS SALAM (1907-1985)

Bibi Amatus Salam, who strongly believed that freedom from the slavery of British could be achieved, through the Gandhian methods only, was born in 1907 in Patiala of Punjab in Rajputhana family.

Her father was Colonel Abdul Hamid and her mother Amatur Rehaman. Amatus Salam was the younger sister of six elder brothers. Her health was very delicate since her childhood. She was inspired by her eldest brother, freedom fighter Mohammad Abdur Rashid Khan.

Following the footsteps of her brother, she decided to serve the people of the country.

Amatus Salam participated in the Khadi Movement and attended the meetings of the Indian National Movement along with her brother. She was attracted towards the Non[1]Violence theory of Mahathma Gandhi and Sevagram Ashram.

She decided to join Sevagram Ashram, and went there in 1931. She joined Ashram and followed the strict principles of the Ashram. With her selfless service she became very close to Gandhi couple.

They considered Amatus Salam as their beloved daughter. During the Indian National Movement, she went to jail along with other women in 1932 despite her illness with the permission of Gandhi.

After being released from Jail, she reached Sevagram and took over the responsibilities as Personal Assistant of Gandhi. She said that besides achieving independence, harmony between the Hindus and Muslims, Welfare of the Harijans and Women were her life ambitions. When communal riots erupted, she toured North-West Frontier, Sindh and Noukhali areas as an ambassador of Gandhi.

She held Satyagraha for 20 days to normalize the situation in those areas. After Independence, she rededicated herself to the Public Service. She published an Urdu Magazine called ‘Hindustan’ to promote national integration and communal harmony. When Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan toured in India in 1961, she travelled with him as his personal assistant. When India was at war with

China in 1962 and with Pakistan in 1965, she took all the pains in reaching the mountains or war area along with her adopted son Sunil Kumar to encourage our soldiers and to serve them. Bibi Amatus Salam, who spent all her life following the Gandhian ideology, breathed her last on 29 October, 1985.

HAJARA BEGUM (1910-2003)

Hajara Begum, who fought against the British to liberate the Nation and worked for the welfare of the toiling masses of the country, was born on 22 December, 1910 at Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh. She came to know about the sacrifices of the freedom fighters who were fighting against the British from her father, who was a police officer.

After the failure of her marriage, she went to London to pursue her higher education, where she got acquainted with the anti-British forces. This led her to decide to fight against the British Imperialist forces to liberate the nation. She had to face the anger of the British Government as she was criticizing their acts in several International fora.

She returned to India and joined as a lecturer in the Karamat Hussain women’s College at Lucknow in 1935.

She also worked along with famous poet Sajjad Zahir in the formation of All India Progressive Writers’ Association.

She got married to a nationalist leader Dr. Zainul Abedeen Ahmed in 1935 and in the same year both of them took membership in the Indian National Congress. Since the police were after them for their anti-British activities, they resigned their jobs and dedicated themselves totally to the Indian National Movement.

While participating in the activities of the Indian National Congress, Hajara Begum also campaigned for the Communist Party without the knowledge of the Police. She actively took part in the election campaign in those days, and as a result of this a number of Congress leaders could get elected. She attended a secret political workshop at Kotthapatnam in Andhra Pradesh in 1937.

She spoke on different subjects in the workshop as a lecturer. Hajara Begum was against the gender bias since her younger age. She fought against all types of inequalities successfully. She left the Indian National Congress in 1940 along with her husband. Since then, she played a vital role in organizing the unorganized labour sector.

She became very popular as ‘Hajara Aapa’ in the circles of toiling people and women. The Soviet Union honoured her with ‘Supreme Soviet Jubilee Award’ in 1960 in recognition of her work for the downtrodden people on the eve of the birth centenary of Lenin. Hajara Begum, who spent her entire life in the service of the country, breathed her last on 20 January, 2003.

Syed Naseer Ahamed can be contacted at Phone: +91 94402 41727

source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> Featured News / by Nihad Ahmed / Input by Syed Naseer Ahmed / August 15th, 2020

The Muslim Martyrs of Royal Indian Naval Mutiny of 1946

July 27, 2022Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, First War of Independence 1857 / Naval Mutiny 1946 / Others PreIndependece (wef. July 27th, 2022), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Martyrs of the Nation, World OpinionAbdul Ali Din Mohammad, Abdul Aziz, Abdul Aziz Moual Baksh, Abdul Aziz Moula Baksh, Abdul Gani, Abdul Kadar Abdull, Abdul Karim, Abdul Malik Dilawar, Abdul Razak, Abdul Rehman, Abdul Sattar Mohammad Umar, Abdulla Abdul Kadar, Abdulla Saif, Aboobacker Mohammed, Adamji Mohamed Hussain, Ali Mohammad, Ali Mohammad Gulam Hussian, Anwar Hossain, Asghar Ismail, Asghar Miya Nawsati, Chhotu Aziz, Dilawar Abdul Malik, Fazal Mohamed Taj Mohamed, Fida Ali Khayam Ali, Gulam Hussain Ali Mohammad, Haroon Hamid, Indian Muslim Martyr, Indian Muslim Martyrs, Indian Naval Mutiny 1946, Ismail Hussain, Ismail Rahimtulla, Jamal Mohammed, Kayam Ali Fida Ali, Mahino Fatima, Manzoor Ahmed - Martyr - Indian Navy Mutiny 1945, Mohammad Umar Abdul Sattar, Mohammed Aziz - Martyr - Royal Indian Navy Mutiny 1946, Mohammed Hussain - Martyr - Royal Indian Navy Mutiny 1946, Moula Baksh Abdul Aziz, Muslim Martyrs of India, Muslim Martyrs of Indian Navy 1946, Muslim Martyrs of Royal Indian Navy Mutiny of 1946, Muslims in Indian Navy Mutiny 1946, Muslims of Bombay, Muslims of India in the Indian Naval Mutiny of 1946, Muslims of Mumbai, Nawsati Asghar Miya, Positive News of Indian Muslims, Positive Stories of Indian Muslims, Positive Stories of Muslim Freedom Fighters of India, Pyare Khuda Bakshi, Royal Indian Navy Muslim Martyrs, Saif Abdulla, Siddik Mohamed, Sulemanji Zakiuddin, Taj Mohamed Fazal Mohamed, Vazir Mohamed, Zakiuddin Sulemanjimpositiveone@gmail.com

BRITISH INDIA :

After the Second World War, soldiers of the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) were captured by the British forces. They were charged with treason and tried by tribunals as war criminals. Indians protested against this treatment given to the freedom fighters of Azad Hind Fauj.

In February, 1945, soldiers and officers of the Royal Indian Navy mutinied in Mumbai and Karachi. English officials including the Viceroy took this mutiny as a sign of leaving India. The British forces killed many to quell the mutiny, many of which were Muslims.

Here, we are sharing names of the few Muslims we know, who attained martyrdom for taking part in the mutiny or supporting it.

Abdul, Ali, Din Mohammad: born 1929, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Nagpada, Bombay, on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdul Aziz: born 1921, domestic servant, hit by bullet in the premises of his employers as a result of firing by the police at Bombay on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdul Razak: born 1916, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound on 22 February 1946 in firing by the police near Crawford market, Bombay, died on 24.2.46.

Abdul Rehman: born 1911, employee of private firm, hit by a bullet as a result of firing by the police at Doctor’s Street, Bombay, on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by rating of the Royal Indian Navy on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdul Gani: born 1901, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by police at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdul Karim: born 1926, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near Crawford Market, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdul Sattar, Mohmmad Umar: born 1924, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police on 22 February 1946 at Bombay, died the same day.

Abdulla, Abdul Kadar: born 1921, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bern- bay on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Abdulla, Safi: born 1933, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound on 22 February 1946 in firing by the police at Fort, Bombay, died in hospital the same day.

Adamji, Mohamed Hussain: born 1924, son of Allauddin Adamji, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound on 22 February 1946, in firing by the police at Bombay, died in hospital.

Ali Mohammad: born 1906, hit by bullet in firing by the police at Dadar, Bombay, on people demonstrating in favour of the revolt by ratings of the RIN on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Anwar Hossain: a student of Lahore College, hoisted the flags of revolt in the rating vessel Bahadur in Karachi, died with flags in hand on 23 February 1946.

Asgar Ismail: born 1934, received a bullet wound in firing by the police on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by ratings of the Hoyal Indian Navy on 23 February 1946, near the Paxsi Statue, at Byculla, Bombay, died on the spot.

Asghar Miya, Nawsati: born 1916, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near the J. J. Hospital, Bombay, on 23 February 1946, died in hospital.

Aziz, Chhotu: born 1921, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay on 23 February 1946, died in hospital the same day.

Dilawar, Abdul Malik: born 1931, son of Dilawar Muzawar, student, hit by bullet in firing by the police at Dongri, Bombay, on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Fida Ali, Kayam Ali: born 1933, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near J. J. Hospital, Bombay, on people demonstrating in favour of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Gulam Hussain, Ali Mohammad: born 1906, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police’ at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Haroon, Hamid: born 1931, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay, on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Ibrahimji, Yusufali: born 1910, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay on people’s demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Ismail Hussain: born 1932, hit by bullet as a result of firing by the police at Bombay on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 22 February 1946.

Ismail, Rahimtulla: bom 1911, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near the Imperial Bank, Abdul Rehman Street, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Jamal Mohammed: born 1926, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Khuda Bakhsh, Pyare: born 1876, hit by bullet as a result of firing by the police at Bombay on people demonstrating in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Manzoor Ahmed: born 1906, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound; in firing by the police at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died in hospital the same day.

Mohammed, Aboobakar: born 1928, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the RIN, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near Crawford Market, Bombay on 22 February 1946, died in hospital the same day.

Mohammed Aziz: born 1911, took part in the popular demonstra- lions in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died in hospital the same day.

Mohammed Hussain: born 1931, son of Mulla Gulam Ali Abdul Hussain, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near J. J. Hospital, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Mohammed Sheik, Sayed Hassan: born 1921, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near Null Bazar police station, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Mohiddin, Sheik Ghulam: born 1928, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Parel, Bombay, on 22 February 1916, died the same day.

Mohmed Samikh, Taja-Urkh: born 1920, hit by bullet as a result of firing by the police at Kamathipura, Bombay, on people’s demonstration in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Moula Bakhsh, Abdul Aziz: born 1906, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Kamathipura, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Siddik Mohamed: born 1921, son of Isak Mohamed, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Kamathipura, Bombay, on 23 February 1946, died the same day.

Sulemanji, Zakiuddin: took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police at Bombay on 22 February 1946, died in the hospital the same day.

Taj Mohamed, Fazal Mohamed: born 1930, took part in the popular demonstrations in support of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near the Salvation Army office at Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

Vazir, Mohamed: born 1891, took part in the popular demonstrations in favour of the revolt by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy, received a bullet wound in firing by the police near Hindmata Cinema, Bombay, on 22 February 1946, died the same day.

source: http://www.heritagetimes.in / Heritage Times / Home> Featured Posts> Freedom Movements / by Mahino Fatima / August 14th, 2021

The forgotten mutiny for India’s independence

July 27, 2022Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, First War of Independence 1857 / Naval Mutiny 1946 / Others PreIndependece (wef. July 27th, 2022), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Indian Muslims in World War I and II (wef. July 09th, 2022), World OpinionFreedom Fighter of India, Freedom Fighters of India, Indian Freedom Fighters, Indian Naval Mutiny 1946, Leading Signalman Lieutenant M S Khan, Leading Signalman Lieutenant MS Khan, M S Khan, M S Khan - President - Naval Central Strike Committee (NCSC) - Bombay, Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir, Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir - Royal Indian Navy (RIN) - Index 34499, Muslims in Indian Navy Mutiny 1946, Muslims in Naval Mutiny 1946, Muslims of India in the Indian Naval Mutiny of 1946, Positive News of Indian Muslims, Positive News of Muslims in the Indian National Navy, Positive Stories of Indian Muslims, Signalman M S Khan, Signalman MS Khanmpositiveone@gmail.com

BRITISH INDIA :

A sailor being arrested after the Naval mutiny.

One of the most important but undervalued events of India’s independence movement was the naval revolt of 1946, about which Indian historian Sumit Sarker wrote, “Had this insurrection succeeded, India’s struggle for freedom might have taken a different turn.” From February 18 to 23 that year, more than 20,000 ordinary sailors, known as ratings, and low-ranking officers of 74 warships and 20 installations took part in a strike, which was termed as a mutiny or rebellion.

After Bengal lost its independence at Palashi’s Mango grove in 1757, the British Raj in India faced two major armed revolts: the first one was exactly after one hundred years, the military revolt of 1857, and the second one was 189 years later, the naval mutiny. Both in 1757 and 1857, the freedom fighters were defeated by the arms and tactics of the British rulers, but the naval mutiny failed because of the politicians in India then. It was not only the ratings’ mutiny that the political leadership had decided not to support – the civilian uprising triggered by the naval mutiny, too, was condemned by them. The scale of the civilian uprising, if it happened in a post-colonial era, would have created a revolution or at least caused the fall of the government of the day.

Three days after the mutiny ended and the civilian uprising was crushed with brutal force, the then British Prime Minister Clement Atlee told the House of Commons on February 26, 1946, “I regret to inform the House that grievous loss of life, injury and destruction of property have resulted from all these disturbances. In Bombay, there have been 223 deaths and 1,037 persons have been injured. The total damage includes the looting or destruction of nine banks, 32 government grain and cloth shops which the public can ill-afford to lose, 30 other shops, 10 post offices, 10 police stations and 1,200 street lamps. The number of vehicles destroyed is not yet estimated. In Karachi, there have been seven deaths and 21 cases of injury. In Madras, up to last night, one person has been killed and another seriously injured” (Source: Hansard).

Mr Atlee in his statement said, “Both Congress and Muslim League leaders cooperated in condemning and attempting to stop the disturbances, but the Communist Party issued a manifesto at midnight on Thursday thanking the public for its support.” It perhaps explains why, to this day, the political classes of the three countries born from the partition of India are not willing to admit their failure and give those mutineers and civilian martyrs their due credit. Therefore, in 2021, there was no big event in the subcontinent to mark the 75th anniversary of the naval revolt.

Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir, Royal Indian Navy, Index no: 34499.

On a personal level, it’s ironic that, despite studying history at the country’s two top universities, I, too, did not take much interest in it during my student life. When I first heard of the rebellion from a mutineer, I had already taken a job and started my professional journey devoid of in-depth history. The mutineer I am talking about was my father, who spoke about his role and feelings about the lost cause during one of my short home visits. My father, Mohammad Dewan Ali Nazir (Royal Indian Navy, RIN, Index no: 34499) was one of the last 3,500 sailors and 300 sepoys who refused to surrender until the last on board of HMIS Akbar.

They were detained after surrendering and were released in August of that year. The mediation and the assurances given by the leaders of both Congress and Muslim League turned out to be nothing but betrayal. Though the uprising was a challenge to the Empire, shaking up the British imperial order, the leaders of the nationalist movement waiting to form an interim government through negotiations were not ready to derail that prospect.

The leaders of the Congress and the Muslim League did not want a revolution – they wanted a peaceful transfer of power. Among the leading politicians, only Congress leader Aruna Asaf Ali extended her support to the ratings’ strike and tried to persuade her party leaders to take a stand in favour of the strikers, but failed in the face of opposition from Vallabhbhai Patel. On February 22, Vallabhbhai Patel sent a message to the rebels to surrender. Only the Communist Party of India came forward in support of the naval revolt and called a general strike. Reading the memoir of one of the key figures of the revolt, Balai Chand Dutt (BC Dutt), and a few other publications, one can easily imagine how much frustration and pain those mutineers felt because of the national leaders’ silence, which they saw as a betrayal. Perhaps it explains why my father, too, lost interest in politics and didn’t speak much about the heroic uprising that ended in a tragedy.

Those nationalist leaders, including Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, advised them “not to mix up ‘political demands along with service demands’; to ‘remain calm’ and to formulate to the naval authorities their service demands.”

But from the very beginning, those naval ratings were raising political demands – particularly, the Quit India slogan.

Their Charter of Demands asked for: 1. Release of all Indian political prisoners; 2. Release of all Indian National Army personnel unconditionally; 3. Withdrawal of all Indian troops from Indonesia and Egypt; 4. British nationals to leave India; 5. Actions against the commanding officer and signal bosonshead for rough treatment of the crew; 6. Release of all detainees (naval ratings); 7. Speedy demobilisation of the RIN ratings and officers; 8. Equal status with the British navy regarding pay, family allowances and other facilities; 9. Best class of Indian food; 10. No return of clothing kit after discharge from service; 11. Better treatment from officers to subordinates; and 12. Installation of Indian officers and supervisors. (Source: Meanings of Failed Action: A reassessment of the 1946 Royal Indian Navy uprising by Dr Valentina Vitali, University of East London, UK.)

Autobiographies of two rebels – BC Dutt and Biswanath Bose – suggest that the then (undivided) India could have been a different place if the revolt of that day had succeeded. The rise of communal politics, the division and instability that is spreading in the states and society, would not have happened.

BC Dutt was one of the organisers of the HMIS Talwar, the ship where the mutiny started. He was arrested and tried for writing a new slogan on a ship on February 1, three weeks before the start of the February 18 mutiny. His book, The Mutiny of the Innocents, contains details of how political literature and pro-independence activities were organised much before their strike.

Biswanath Bose’s RIN Mutiny, 1946 also gives detailed descriptions of how the revolt unfolded. But politicians argued that the revolt was mostly due to the resentment among Indian ratings over low wages, poor quality of food and housing, which was lower than that of the Whites, and racial discrimination.

After the mutiny of 1857, the British rulers banned the entry and discussion of political leaflets in all forces, but BC Dutt used to secretly discuss political documents in the ship HMIS Talwar. Two months before the mutiny, on the Naval Day on December 1, when it was open for public visit, they wrote various slogans, including “Quit India” and “Jai Hind” on the ship. Explaining the reason why the mutiny failed, BC Dutt wrote that while all Europeans and Indians were stunned by the course of events and wondering if it was a revolt, unfortunately the political parties had nothing to say. When it was time to lower the British Union Jack and fly the Indian flag, they felt unprepared.

Newspaper clipping of the Hindusthan Standard

On February 22, 1946, when the nationalist leaders were busy arranging the ratings’ surrender, Prime Minister Clement Attlee told the parliament that the sailors had given political slogans and demanded that a political leader be given a chance to speak. He also said in the statement that Congress had nothing to do with the insurgency, but the communists and leftists could try to exploit sympathy.

William Richardson, a British researcher, writes in The Society for Nautical Research that the political movement for India’s independence was at the root of the revolt (The Mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy at Bombay in February 1946, May 1993).

Author of the book 1946: The Unknown Mutiny, Promod Kapoor wrote that the navies fell between the two aspirations of the two rulers. One side wanted their impending departure not to be tarnished by the stigma of rebellion. On the other hand, when power was imminent, the other rulers were anxious to see if there were any signs of chaos in the armed forces. Because in the future, they would have to manage these forces.

Politicians assured that no one would be punished, no compensation would be paid, and steps would be taken to meet the demands. In reality, the opposite had happened. Rebel leaders were arrested, tried and punished. Other rebels were told to grab third-class train tickets to return home and to never return to Bombay again. Showing various excuses, deductions were made from salary arrears even for minor damages in their uniforms.

Biswanath Bose’s book gives a glimpse of how frustrated and angry these rebels became with the behaviour of the government and the breach of promises by the political leaders. He wrote, “If patriotism is a crime, then we must be criminals.” Expressing his frustration for not being reemployed in the Indian Navy, he wrote a letter to Prime Minister Nehru asking if there was any law banning his return to the force due to dismissal for taking part in the freedom movement, and how, as a leader of the Congress, Nehru could be the prime minister.

Nationalist leaders were so reluctant to give the mutineers their due credit, that the Indian government banned the Bangla play Kallol (Sound of the Wave), based on the mutiny, by playwright Utpal Dutt, and he was imprisoned. The play was first performed in 1965 in Calcutta at the Minerva Theatre and it drew large crowds.

At the beginning of the naval strike, a Central Strike Committee (NCSC) was formed by the representatives of the ships stationed in Bombay. The committee renamed the Royal Indian Navy as The Indian National Navy. The committee was chaired by Signalman MS Khan, and Madan Singh was the vice-president. One remarkable element of the naval rebellion was the unity of various faiths among both the naval force and the civilians who took to the street. They raised slogans “Hindu-Muslim unite” and “Inquilab Zindabad” on the streets of Bombay.

BC Dutt’s book also speaks of this communal harmony. He wrote, “We are from different regions, and from families of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Buddhist, but after spending years in the Navy, we sailors have become Indians. The irony is that the politics of communal division and hatred is now intensifying across the subcontinent.

(After leaving the job of a naval instructor, my father joined the office of Indian Civil Supply, and after a short stay in Kolkata, he was transferred to East Bengal. He retired as a magistrate and died on August 29, 2001.)

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist and writes from London, UK. His Twitter handle is @ahmedka1

source: http://www.thedailystar.net / The Daily Star / Home> In Focus / by Kamal Ahmed / July 25th, 2022

Worth A Re-Read – A History of the Ulama in British India

July 9, 2022Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, Martyrs of the Nation, World OpinionA History of the Ulama in British India, Book - Islamic Revival in British India - Deoband 1860-1900 - Author - Barbara Metcalf, Book - The Ulama In Contemporary Islam - Custodians of Change - Author - Mohammad Qasim Zaman, Indian Muslims, Indian Muslims in British India, Muslims in British India, Muslims of Delhi, Muslims of Deoband, Muslims of India, Muslims of South Asia, Shah Abdul Aziz, Shah Waliyulllahmpositiveone@gmail.com

UNITED INDIA :

Over the past few years, and particularly after their recent tussle with the government over the statue of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Ulama’s involvement in politics has come back under scrutiny in Bangladesh. Since the 10th century, the Ulama have been exercising strong authority over religious issues; yet they have been accused of failing to respond to modernity and to the changes in society.

Against this backdrop, the actions, discourses, and history of the Ulama are well worth looking into. Muhammad Qasim Zaman’s The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodian of Change (2002) and Barbara D Metcalf’s Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900 (2016), both published by the Princeton University Press, are two outstanding studies in this regard. While Metcalf looks into the emergence, proliferation, and responses of the Deobandi Ulama to “modernity” when Muslim power in India was declining, Zaman looks at their strategy to establish authority in British India and Pakistan.

Shifting sands of influence

In pre-British India, religious education was a private enterprise and individual tutelage was the usual mode of the dissemination of religious knowledge. This tradition was to change with the emergence of the Farangi Mahall Ulama as custodians of Muslim intellectual traditions.

The Lucknow-based Farangi Mahall Ulama were known by the family of Mulla Hafiz, who received a land grant from Mughal Emperor Akbar sometime in the sixteenth century. He was the ascendant of Qutbu’d – Din (d. 1691), a Mughal courtier who participated in the collection of Fatawa-yi ‘Alamgiri’. The latter is a collection of Fatwa to be used in the Mughal courts. The family and students who took lessons from this family were known by the name of Farangi Mahall. The activities of the Ulama of Farangi Mahall, however, were confined to producing graduates for princely services. Their most significant contribution was their systemisation of the curriculum—dars-i-Nizami—for religious education. As Metcalf informs us, this curriculum came to Bengal when a Farangi Mahall graduate was appointed as the first principal of the madrasa yi ‘Aliyah’, Calcutta in 1780.

Farangi Mahall’s dominance declined and the centre for religious studies shifted from Lucknow to Delhi by the late 18th century. The person who played a key role in this shift was Shah Waliyu’llah, who advocated for more social and political responsibilities for the Ulama as opposed to those of the Farangi Mahall. Waliyu’llah’s successors had studied legal codes and written fatwa for the Muslim community, which had once become the main tool to disseminate religious instructions when the British were about to establish political authority over India. Besides claiming centrality of the hadith in the interpretation of the sharia, Shah Waliyu’llah discouraged blindly following the rulings of the earlier generations (taqlid). He suggested going back to the Quran or Sunnah for legal solutions.

The 1857 revolution landed heavily upon the revivalist movement initiated by Shah Waliyu’llah. Suspecting the Ulama’s involvement, British colonisers took all religious institutions in Delhi under their control. Fourteen hundred people were shot by British soldiers in Kuchah Chelan, where Shah Abdul Aziz (son of late Shah Waliyu’llah) used to preach, according to Metcalf. The Delhi-based Ulama were forced to move to the countryside and establish a madrasa at Deoband in 1867.

After the revolution, Deoband became the centre for Muslim intellectuals. They introduced formal religious education for Muslims in British India. Students had separate classrooms and a library, and the curricula were organised according to departments, such as Arabic, Persian, and others. A formal examination system was introduced and successful students were issued certificates of award. Graduates came from different corners of India. Most significantly, these graduates went back home and set up madrasas in their respective localities. By the end of the 18th century, nearly every town held the presence of the Deobandi Ulama.

One well known Deobandi Ulama was Muhammad Ashraf Ali Thanawi (1863-1943), who authored Bahishti Zewar (1981)—among the most popular books for Muslims of India, and masterminded the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act 1939—the first reformist legislation for Muslims of British India.

In the late 19th century, the Ulama played a crucial role in upholding the pride of their religion and their community through publications and public debate on religious issues. Their intellectual exercise peaked with the invention of print technology, multiplying the scale of the transmission of knowledge all over India. Publishing in local languages such as Urdu, instead of Arabic, was one of their effective strategies to establish authority. This also served as a medium of communication between common Muslims and the Ulama, and helped renew Muslim traditions against local customs. Following the birth of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, the Ulama consolidated their authority and forced the then government not to pass a law against sharia. Over the next few years, their continuous efforts would force the Pakistani government to establish a Supreme Sharia Board to oversee any inconsistencies between sharia and laws passed by the parliament.

The historiography of these two books may be compared with Geoffrey G Field’s Blood, Sweat and Toil: Remaking the British Working Class, 1939-1945 (Oxford University Press, 2011), in which Field understands “class” from multi-dimensional approaches including its relationship with the state, society, and family. Similarly, Barbara Metcalf and Qasim Zaman define the Ulama as a class by providing a social and intellectual history of their presence in South Asia. Metcalf highlights their hardships in the post-1857 revolution and the silent “intellectual” revolution of the Deobandi Ulama. Hers is an excellent cultural history. Despite being published earlier, Zaman fills in what Metcalf’s study left to be addressed: it focuses on how the Ulama have played an active role in different social and political contexts, particularly in post-colonial Pakistan. He disapproves of the allegation that the Ulama are against changes. The common mistake that most studies make, says Zaman, is not to consider the social and political context within which the Ulama work. To him, the flexibility of sharia depends on a socio-political context. Zaman suggested that the Ulama do not respond to changes as not because they do not like it but because of their fear of losing authority over religious issues in a modern state.

None of the above-mentioned studies, however, concerns the Ulama of Bangladesh. The growing presence of the Bangladeshi Ulama in the public sphere, particularly their increasing involvement in the political issues, merits investigation into—in Zaman’s words—their “transformation, their discourses, and their religio-political activism.” Could the Ulama in Bangladesh inherit the wind of the Islamic intellectual traditions? The question deserves to be addressed amongst others.

Dr Md Anisur Rahman is a legal historian at Asian University for Women. His research interests include Islam in Asia and South Asian Islamic Law and Society.

source: http://www.thedailystar.net / The Daily Star / Home> Reviews / by Md. Anisur Rahman / January 28th, 2021

Manzoor Nomani was ‘intrinsically Indian’ in the first place

June 22, 2022Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, World OpinionFreedom Fighter of India, Haider Abbas, Haider Abbas - UP State Information Commissioner, Indian Muslim Freedom Fighter, Khalil Ur Rehman Sajjad Nomani, KhalilUrRahman Sajjad Nomani, Mansoor Nomani, Maulana Khalilur Rahman Sajjad Nomani, Maulana Mansoor Nomai, Maulana Muhammed Manzoor Nomani, Muslim Freedom Fighters of India, Muslim Scholars in Uttar Pradesh, Muslims of Lucknow, Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, Sajjad Nomai, Sajjad Nomani - Spokesperson - All India Muslim Personal Law Board - AIMPLBmpositiveone@gmail.com

Lucknow, UTTAR PRADESH :

*Maulana Manzoor Nomani. Courtesy: Quranwahadith.*

Maulana Muhammed Manzoor Nomani (1905-1997), most arguably was one of the five prime most Muslims of the Indian sub-continent in the last century. He was the founding member of Jamaat-e-Islami and later got associated with Tablighi Jamaat and was also the member of founding committee of Muslim World League.

Maulana Khalil-ur-Rehman Sajjad Nomani is his son who gives every credence to his father, as that is what has made him, potentially what he is today; the most potent Muslim voice in the nation.

Sajjad Nomani’s command on Arabic, Quran, Hadith, Urdu, Hindi and English, in the same verve, depth and gravitas, apart from being an eloquent speaker, an indefatigable champion of Muslim cause, a voracious reader and a writer with an unquestionable command on the intricacies of linguistic theory and cultural praxis, are all the qualities he has embodied and imbibed from his late father.

Yours truly also did once saw Manzoor Nomani Sahab, at his Nazeerabad residence, Lucknow, as he sat on his wheel chair engrossed in an Urdu newspaper and also attended to his funeral at Aishbagh, Lucknow in 1997.

It would be worthy to recollect some of the anecdotes Sajjad Sahab shared about his late father, which all are a treasure trove to understand the ‘times’ about seventy-five years back.

He reminisced that Pakistan first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was very insistent that Manzoor Sahab visit Pakistan and become a part of Pakistan Constituent Assembly to ‘pave for the ingredients’ for Islamic Jurisprudence for the state of Pakistan, and ultimately even officially sought for it, as Manzoor Sahab was one of the most outstanding figures of Islamic Law and Jurisprudence at those times.

When India’s PM Jawahar Lal Nehru came to know of it, he communicated that though he does not want Maulana to volunteer it, yet if Maulana wanted then government of India was to facilitate it. But, there was no question of Manzoor Sahab even entertaining the idea as he was an unwavering Indian by his heart, not out of any chance but primarily for his choice, as Muslims after 1947 were to choose between India or Pakistan and Manzoor Sahab stood for India.

Sajjad Sahab would also reflect that it was in 1976, when he was studying in Medina University, and had come to India on his vacations, that Manzoor Sahab kidneys collapsed all of a sudden and he went into coma. That was the time when emergency was in place. He informed that ‘intelligence inputs’ were given to PM Indira Gandhi that unless Maulana Ali Mian Nadwi, Maulana Manzoor Nomani and Qari Siddeeq Baandvi were to be arrested, Muslims were not relent to ‘vasectomy-sterilization’ and Indira Gandhi went to India’s President Fakhrudin Ali Ahmed, for his counsel on it, to which she was answered that all hell will break loose in the country in case of such an eventuality.

In the meantime, Indira Gandhi was also informed about the medical situation of Manzoor Sahab, and a chartered place to carry Maulana to Delhi was sent to Lucknow. The family members could not fathom for it, for they knew, that Maulana was be very angry once after the coma was to subside, the gesture of Indira Gandhi was hence refused, and fortunately by the midnight Maulana regained his senses, but then the next morning Indira Gandhi herself came down to Maulana’s residence. She would insist that Maulana may be flown to Delhi for his medical treatment, but all what Maulana sought from her was that she should implement justice as there was ‘tyranny’ all across the nation. He would address Indira Gandhi as his daughter and that when she played in her father’s courtyard, Maulana was to advice her father JL Nehru on critical issues.

Such has been the sense of belonging of Muslims for Manzoor Sahab , inherited too well by his son, is that while Jamshedpur raged under riots of 1979, Maulana went on to sit in a mosque for 21 days, draw into people and disbursed charity amongst the hapless Muslims, which continued for months. Maulana had an impeccable memory as Sajjad Sahab, relates, that shortly before his death, while he was searching for a Hadith, his ailing father, who was almost comatose, made him look for it on the exact page of Tirmezi- a great compendium of Hadith. Maulana Manzoor Sahab was a living authority and a luminary of Hadith-the sayings of Prophet of Islam.

Manzoor Nomani Sahab surely has left an indelible mark on Muslim civilization not across only in India but throughout the whole Muslim world. The best part however is that, it has all been very well innately translated into a relentless campaign for Muslim rights in India, by his son Sajjad Nomani, an activist always on his heels and one of the most credible voice of Muslims in the nation today. He is right now articulating the cause of Peace and Justice, a desperate call of the nation today. Sajjad Sahab is also the spokesperson of All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the Apex of Muslims in the country.

***

The writer is a former UP State Information Commissioner and writes on political issues.

source: http://www.mulimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Muslim Scholars / by Haider Abbas / June 20th, 2022

Date with history: A family’s journey from Medina to Mysore kingdom

March 13, 2022Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Business & Economy, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Karnataka (under research project), Leaders, World OpinionBangalore Muslims, Enayathulla Mekhri Circle, Enayathullah Mehkri, Fazal Mehkri, Indian Muslim Freedom Fighter, Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters, Indian Muslims, M Enayathullah Mehkri, Mehkri Circle, Muslim Freedom Fighters of Indiampositiveone@gmail.com

KARNATAKA :

Synopsis

When bullock carts were the prime mode of transport, an Arab businessman was pained to see the beasts carry loads up the steep, rough climb.

In the 1930s, when bullock carts were the prime mode of transport, an Arab businessman was pained to see the beasts carry loads up the steep, rough climb from Hebbal Tank. Their hoofs wore thin very soon. So, he levelled the path, spending Rs 10,000 out of his pocket. When this came to the notice of Sir Mirza Ismail, the then diwan of Mysore, he promptly informed Krishnaraja Wadiyar. A private citizen spending for public good, the king thought, reflected badly on his administration. He made good the businessman’s expenses and named the area at the junction of Bellary Road, Jayamahal Road and CV Raman Avenue in his honour. Today , we call it Mekhri Circle.

The selfless businessman was M Enayathulla Mehkri (not ‘Mekhri’ as it is spelt today). The Enayathulla Mehkri Square was inaugurated by Sir John Hope, governor of the Madras Presidency , in April 1935.The space had a lamp post with five lights. A garden around it was maintained by ward officers. Later, in 1965, RM Patil, minister of home and municipal administration, notified it as Enayathulla Mekhri Circle through a notification in the state gazette.

Mehkri’s story , however, goes beyond the one philanthropic initiative he is most known by.

Mehkris were originally based near Medina in Arabia and migrated to India after the Turkish invasion. The family’s legacy dates back to more than 600 years. “While people believe that our name is derived from a place called ‘Mehkr’ in Syria, documents suggest that we were named after Mekhar in Maharashtra,” said Fazal Mehkri, nephew of Enayathulla Mehkri.

In India, the family held key posts under the Mughals and the Mysore maharajas.

Enayathulla Mehkri, born in 1898, went on to become a freedom fighter. At 17, he joined the Indian National Congress.

A contractor by profession, he participated in the freedom struggle, and was jailed for six months at Madras Central Jail along with C Rajagopalachari and EV Ramaswamy Naicker.

Mehkri was the municipal commissioner (between 1947 and 1948) and a councilor of the City Corporation for 16 years before that. He was not only the only member from Karnataka to be on the Advisory Council of the Freedom Fighters Cell of the AICC, he also headed the Karnataka Freedom Fighters’ Association till his death on November 28, 1990.

source: http://www.economictimes.indiatimes.com / The Economic Times / Home> Panache> ET Magazine> Travel> Business News> Magazine / by Divya Shekhar, ET Bureau / April 28th, 2016

How America Celebrated Haidar Ali In 1781

January 27, 2022Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Inventions, Innovations (wef. Nov 30th, 2021), Karnataka (under research project), Leaders, Martyrs of the Nation, Royal Families, PreIndependence -Descendants (wef. Jan 02nd,2022), Science & Technology, Transport, Travel & Tourism, World Opinionmpositiveone@gmail.com

Mysuru, KARNATAKA :

On 19 October 1781, a British land force led by Charles Cornwallis surrendered to George Washington, America’s Commander in Chief. Nine days later Cornwallis’ surrender, along with that of Haidar Ali’s victories in India, was celebrated at Trenton, New Jersey. Photo: John Trumbull – http://www.aoc.gov/cc/photo-gallery/ptgs_rotunda.cfm, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=1379717

Hyder Ally (Anglicised version of Haidar Ali) was a popular exotic name in the 1770s when the fledgling United States of America was fighting for its independence from Britain. There were racehorses named after this ruler of the Mysore Kingdom in South Asia as well as his warrior son Tipu Sultan.

In the early 1780s, Haidar Ali’s bravery was invoked in one of the earliest documented recruitment for the US Navy. A ship named after him gave the USA one of its greatest naval victories during the same time. His name was chanted on the streets of America, in 1781. Let’s travel back in time to understand this.

In 1775, a great upheaval shook thirteen British colonies on the east coast of North America as its residents rose against the Government of Great Britain, declared independence and flew their own flag (1, 2). Apparently, the first flag of the Union, now the US national flag- the Stars and Stripes, sent to the state of Maryland was hosted on a sailboat by teenager Joshua Barney at Baltimore in October 1775. Barney had just started his service with the US Navy.

Rocket Warfare, by Charles H. Hubbell (1898–1971) captures the humiliation of the British at the Battle of Pollilur (Sep. 1780) by Mysorean war rockets.

A few years later- in 1780, in the far-away Mysore Kingdom, the East India Company was suffering one of the worst reverses in its military history. This was at the hands of Haidar Ali and his son Tipu Sultan who were supported by the French, an ally of America. The humiliation of the British at the Battle of Pollilur in September 1780 reverberated in America where the news reached the country (3). On 19 October 1781, the British land force led by Charles Cornwallis surrendered to the Americans led by George Washington (incidentally a decade later in India, Cornwallis gave EI Company and its Indian allies victory over Haidar Ali’s son Tipu Sultan in the 3rd Anglo Mysore War). Nine days later Cornwallis’ surrender, along with that of Haidar Ali’s victories in India, was celebrated at Trenton, New Jersey. The town on that day was decorated with American colours. Inhabitants including the Who’s Who attended a service at the Presbyterian Church, where a discourse highlighting the occasion was delivered by a Reverend. In the afternoon the gathering drank 13 toasts accompanied with a discharge of artillery, number eleven of which was for ‘The great and heroic Hyder Ali, raised up by Providence to avenge the numberless cruelties perpetrated by the English on his unoffending countrymen, and to check the insolence and reduce the power of Britain in the East Indies‘ (ibid., ref. 3).

The other toasts were raised and artillery was discharged for the below. Quote:
1. The United States of America;
2. The Congress;
3. The king of France;
4. General Washington and the American army;
5. The Count de Rochambeau and the French army;
6. The Count de Grasse and the French fleet;
7. General Greene and the Southern army;
8. The friends of liberty throughout the world;
9. The memory of Generals Warren, Montgomery, and all the other heroes who have fallen in the defence of the liberties of America;
10. Peace on honorable terms, or war forever;
12. The governor and State of New Jersey;
13. The glorious 19th of October, 1781. At seven in the evening the company retired, and the rejoicings were concluded by a brilliant illumination.
Unquote. (ibid., ref. 3).

Hyder Ally and America’s struggle to reclaim its seas from the British

Sketch of action between American naval ship USS Hyder Ally and English warship General Monk in 1782.
Source: *Life of Commodore Joshua Barney, Hero of the US Navy (1776-1812)*, 1912.

Despite this, America was far from being an independent nation. The British still ruled the seas. They kept a keen watch on the ships entering and exiting the ports of northeast USA, often capturing the vessels and looting goods. General Washington an American sloop-of-war was captured by Admiral Arbuthnot, and placed in the king’s service under a new name The General Monk, which was then used to pirate American ships. By 1782 the commerce of Philadelphia City, as well as the ordinary life of the residents of the coast and nearby streams, was deteriorating. The fledgling American Union was not in a position to protect the affected vessels. Therefore the State of Pennsylvania, at its own expense, fitted a number of armed vessels that operated in waters leading to Philadelphia. The state purchased Hyder Ally, a small sloop (single mast ship) equipped with sixteen six-pounder guns to help protect the American vessels. 23-year old Lieutenant Joshua Barney, now in the US navy, arrived at Philadelphia where he was honoured with the command of Hyder Ally (4). Assigned with recruiting men, Barney used a poem penned by Philip Morin Freneau to attract young American men to the ship. The poem exalted Haidar Ali’s bravery against the British with the following lines (5):

Come, all ye lads who know no fear,

To wealth and honour with me steer

In the Hyder Ali privateer,

Commanded by brave Barney.

From an eastern prince she takes her name,

Who, smit with freedom’s sacred flame,

Usurping Britons brought to shame,

His country’s wrongs avenging;

Come, all ye lads that know no fear.

With hand and heart united all

Prepared to conqueror to fall.

Attend, my lads! to honor’s call —

Embark in our Hyder-Ally!

And soon Barney led a force of a hundred and ten men. On April 8, 1782, he received instructions to protect a fleet of merchantmen to the Capes just before the sea, at the entrance of Delaware Bay. Dropping the convoy at Cape May road he was awaiting a fair wind to take the merchant ship to sea when he saw three ships (6) which he realised were waiting to plunder the convoy. Barney immediately turned the convoy back into the bay, using Hyder Ally to cover the retreat. Soon the bigger General Monk under the command of Captain Rogers of the Royal Navy nearly doubled his own force of metal, and nearly one-fourth superior in number of men caught up with Hyder Ally. Despite being fired upon, Barney held Hyder Ally’s fire till within pistol shot when both the two vessels got entangled. A short but desperate fight ensued. Lasting 26 minutes, it resulted in the lowering of flags by General Monk indicating her surrender. Both vessels arrived at Philadelphia a few hours after the action bearing their respective dead. The Hyder Ally had four men killed and eleven wounded. The General Monk lost twenty men killed and had thirty-three wounded including Captain Rogers himself, and every officer on board, except one midshipman ! (7)

‘Surrender of Baillie to Hyder Ali, 1780’, illustration from *Cassell’s Illustrated History of England (20th century),* 1780.

A hero is celebrated

Philadelphia burst in celebrations. Ballads were made upon this brilliant victory and sung through the streets of the city! And echoing with Barney’s name was that of Hyder Ally (ibid., ref. 1).Here are some lines:

And fortune still, that crowns the brave

Shall guard us over the gloomy wave —

A fearful heart betrays a knave!

Success to the Hyder-Ally!

While the roaring Hyder-Ally

Covered over his decks with dead!

When from their tops, their dead men tumbled

And the streams of blood did flow,

Then their proudest hopes were humbled

By their brave inferior foe.

A small sword with mountings of chased gold- the guard of which on the one side had a representation of the Hyder Ally, and on the other the General Monk was ordered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania and a vote of thanks was passed for Captain Barney in 1782. This gold-hilted sword was presented to him in the name of the state by Governor Dickinson. Source: Life of Commodore Joshua Barney, Hero of the US Navy (1776-1812), 1912

In 1782 the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed a vote of thanks to Captain Barney and ordered a gold-hilted sword to be prepared, which was afterwards presented to him in the name of the state by Governor Dickinson. It was a small sword with mountings of chased gold- the guard of which on the one side had a representation of the Hyder Ally, and on the other the General Monk (ibid., ref. 1). Barney was the last officer to quit the Union’s service, in July 1784, having been for many months before the only officer retained by the United States.

Barney was sent by the American Government to Paris. A reception was given in France him as a hero of dashing naval exploits during the Revolutionary War (8). A painting representing the action between the two ships was executed in 1802 by L. P. Crepin in Paris by order of Barney, while in the service of the French Republic. The same was presented by him on his return to the United States, to Robert Smith, Esquire, then secretary of the navy (9). The painting is now in the United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland (ibid., ref. 1). Barney was an intimate friend of Count Bertrand, one of Napoleon’s generals (ibid., ref. 2). Napolean incidentally had an alliance against the British with Haidar Ali’s son Tipu Sultan, during the latter’s lifetime (10).

Barney was appointed a Captain in the Flotilla Service, US Navy on 1814 April 25 (11). He took part in seventeen battles during the Revolutionary War and in nine battles during the War of 1812. A British Musket-ball lodged inside his body in battle at Bladensburg, Maryland in August 1814 (12). He passed away on December 1, 1818, aged 60.

The world today is considered a global village thanks to the scaling down of boundaries between nation-states and individuals alike. But it may surprise us even in the 18th century seemingly local political events and humans made an impact on lands and societies far away. The name Haidar Ali, after an adventurer from an obscure place in the erstwhile Kingdom of Mysore who gave many a lesson in military and political strategies to global colonial powers of England and France, echoing across the proverbial seven seas in distant North America for nearly a century is a testament of this (13, 14).

Painting of Commodore Joshua Barney at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, *Life of Commodore Joshua Barney, Hero of the US Navy (1776-1812)*, 1912.

70 years after Hyder Ally’s victory over General Monk, James Cooper wrote “This action has been justly deemed one of the most brilliant that ever occurred under the American Flag. It was fought in the presence of a vastly superior force that was not engaged, and the ship taken was in every essential respect superior to her conqueror.” (ibid., ref. 4)

Sources/ Notes:

1. Barney, Mary., A biographical memoir of the late Commodore Joshua Barney, 1832, Mary was a sister of Joshua Barney. Her book provides in-depth information about the latter’s personal and military life. Born on July 6, 1759, 13-year old young Philadelphia Joshua Barney set sail on his maiden merchant ship journey to Ireland in 1771 with his brother in law Captain Thomas Drysdale. He sailed back home the following year and made trips to ports in Europe again. He set sail for Nice, France in December 1774 during which journey Captain Drysdale died. He took control of the ship which needed urgent repairs and therefore docked at Gibraltar, Spain instead. In a few months, he sailed to Algiers, Algeria from Alicant, Spain to deliver Spanish troops during which he witnessed the annihilation of these troops by the Algerians which made him return to Alicant soon. He immediately set sail across the vast Atlantic Ocean for Baltimore, USA. As he entered the Chesapeake Bay on 1st October he was surprised by the British Sloop of war Kingfisher. An officer searched his ship and informed him that Americans had rebelled and that battles were being fought. He was fortunate enough to escape detention. Returning to Philadelphia he was determined to serve the Americans fight against the British. At that time a couple of small vessels were under at Baltimore ready to join the small squadron of ships stationed then at Philadelphia and commanded by Commodore Hopkins. Barney offered his services to the commander of the sloop Hornet, one of these vessels. He was made the master’s-mate, the sloop’s second in command. A new American Flag, the first ‘Star-spangled Banner’ in the State of Maryland, sent by Commodore Hopkins for the service of the ten gun Hornet, arrived from Philadelphia. At the next sunrise, Barney unfurled it in all pomp and glory. In 1776, Robert Morris, President of the Marine Committee of the Congress offered him a letter of Appointment as a Lieutenant in the Navy of the United States in recognition of his efforts during a naval battle engagement in Delaware.
2. Adams, William Frederick., Commodore Joshua Barney: many interesting facts connected with the life of Commodore Joshua Barney, hero of the United States navy, 1776-1812, 1912. Adams provides a good summary of Mary Barney’s book in this book.
3. Moore, Frank., Diary of the American Revolution, Volume 2, 1860.
4. Cooper, James Fenimore., History of the Navy of the United States of America, 1853.
5. Freneau., Poems written and published during the American Revolutionary War, 1809.
6. Two ships and a brig- a sailing vessel with two masts.
7. As explained by Barney himself in his painting of this war commissioned later.
8. Bowen, A., The Naval Monument,1815, Concord, MA. This book gives an account of the reception received by Barney in France.
9. The painting was accompanied by a description, in the handwriting of Commodore Barney, which is reproduced in Mary Barney’s book.
10. Ahmed, Nazeer., https://historyofislam.com/tippu-sultan/ (downloaded October 13, 2017).
11. Record of Service, Bureau of Navigation, Navy Department, United States Navy.
12. The conduct of Commodore Barney, at the Battle of Bladensburgh, was appreciated by his military opponents as well. He was wounded in the engagement and was taken prisoner by General Ross and Admiral Cockburn but paroled on the spot. At the time of his death in 1818, the ball was extracted and given to his eldest son. For the valuable services of her husband, Congress granted Mrs. Barney a pension for life.
13. Goold, William., Portland in the past, 1886. This book has information on at least one more well-known ship named Hyder Ally built in the US in the 1800s after the one described in this story. This ship, like many other US ships, resorted to pirating British ships in the Indian Ocean all the way up to the island of Sumatra and around the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa in the run-up to the British-American War of 1812.
14. Corbett’s Annual register (1802) documents the ship ‘Tippoo Saib’ registered in Savannah, Georgia, the southernmost of the 13 colonies that declared independence from the British in 1776 and formed the original ‘United States of America’.

source: http://www.thecognate.com / The Cognate / Home> History / by Ameen Ahmed / December 27th, 2021

Mappila Haal: Celebrating 100 Years Of Malabar Uprising

January 27, 2022Amazing Feats, Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Events, Exhibitions, Conferences (wef. Nov 18th, 2021), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, Martyrs of the Nation, World Opinion100 Years of Malabar Uprising, Ali Musliyar, Amjad Ali E M, Amjad Ali EM, Amjad Ali EM - President - SIO Kerala, Kunhahammad Haji, Malabar Rebellion, Mappila Haal, Mappila Muslims, SIO Kerala, Variamkunnath Kunhahammad Hajimpositiveone@gmail.com

KERALA :

This year marks the 100th anniversary of the eventful Malabar Uprising of 1921.

In this historic context, SIO Kerala has come up with a new venture: an interactive virtual exhibition titled ‘Mappila Haal’.

‘Mappila Haal’ is a comprehensive creative expression of the Malabar Uprising enabling the viewer to travel through the revolutionary days and nights.

SIO acknowledges the memories, discussions on various factors and celebration of the Malabar Uprising as a crucial socio-political engagement.

History is not merely a record of the past. For any community, history is a decisive factor in their present life. That is why history is said to be a never-ending dialogue between the past and the present. Historical narratives play a major role in shaping contemporary socio-political perspectives and imaginations.

Every community should have a deep understanding of their history, and they should record and promote it. Failure to do so will result in the tragedy of having to live in a history written by others. That condition will adversely affect their future. Because their history written by the mainstream-dominant ideologies will be understood as the real one. If the dominant powers decide to marginalize or annihilate any community forever, they will use history as an easy tool. For that, they will do injustice to history in two ways. One is to hide and erase the rich history of that community, and the other – to present a distorted narration of it.

How Islam and Muslims were treated in colonial historiography is an apt example of this. The colonial powers hid the prestigious and glorious history of Muslims all over the world. Later, colonialism defined Islam and Muslims in their own way, based on which the history of Muslims was written – Islam is primitive, it was spread in the world by sword, Islam is utter terror, Muslims are savage, bloodthirsty, war-loving, violent and dangerous. Based on this definition, they presented a distorted version of world Muslim history. In doing so, they sought to create a public perception that the very presence of Muslims would be dangerous to any nation and all forms of social and political expression based on Islam reflects extremism and terrorism. The aim was to make people believe that they were the ones who needed to be eliminated. Thus, this narrative became a justification for all violence, injustice and genocide against Muslims. This is how history itself becomes the greatest instrument of oppression. It is in this colonial narrative that the roots of present-day Islamophobia too lie, be it global, national or in Kerala.

Here comes the relevance of the remembrance and celebration of the Malabar Uprising. This is a time when Hindutva politics is gaining strength and the Sangh Parivar is working on the genocide of Muslims. Hindutva forces use the history of Muslims in two ways to facilitate ethnic cleansing: One is the attempt to erase the history of Muslims in India and to uproot the glorious roots of Muslims in this country. Second, to distort the history of Muslims in India into an anti-Hindu history. Through these two forms of violence against history, Hindutva quickly finds pace for its racist propaganda. In other words, the Hindutva forces are trying to create a public conscience that the Muslims are a group that came from somewhere, that they have no roots in this country, that the history since their arrival here is one of violence, that their presence is a danger to the country and therefore they should be eradicated. The question of how one’s mind allows Muslims to be lynched to death in broad daylight turns irrelevant there. When a person believes that Muslims deserve to be killed, he will not feel any remorse for killing them.

In this particular political context, there is a special significance for popularizing and celebrating the memories of the Malabar Uprising. By remembering the Malabar Uprising and the fighters involved within, we are also positioning ourselves against the Hindutva ideology. The British colonial powers portrayed the Malabar Uprising as fanatic aggression. Such a propagation was quite natural because it was a battle against them. However, the Sangh Parivar is also propagating the Malabar Uprising as a brutal anti-Hindu massacre, inciting hatred against Muslims in its name and using the history of the Malabar Uprising as fuel to accelerate the aforesaid process of genocide. In 1921 itself, the Hindutva forces propagated the Malabar Movement as a Hindu genocide and used it as a fertilizer for the formation of the RSS.

Moreover, the historical point of the Malabar Uprising is constantly disturbing Hindutva politics in many ways. One of them is that the Malabar Uprising reminds us of the crucial role of Muslims in the anti-colonial struggles that led to the formation of the nation of India. Another is that the Malabar Uprising was also a struggle against the upper caste hegemony which is the foundation of Hindutva politics. That is why the Sangh regime’s dictionary of martyrs cannot include the names of the Mappila fighters. Therefore, remembering and celebrating the Malabar struggle is a strong statement against Hindutva politics.

The memory of the Malabar Struggle is also a memory of our own glorious tradition. It also gives us an idea of how strong and deep our roots are in this land. It shows the pivotal role played by our ancestors in the freedom struggle of this country, social renaissance and civilizational development. For the Muslim community in India, this memory and realization will provide the energy to move forward with self-respect in the face of several crises.

The Malabar Uprising had two main stages. One was the struggle against the colonial British forces. Second, the struggle against the feudal and caste lords who oppressed and exploited the peasants and lower castes like slaves. The extraordinary struggle led by Ali Musliyar and Variamkunnath Kunhahammad Haji shook the foundations of the colonial powers and the caste leaders. It instilled a new dream of liberation in the oppressed masses. It was these two brave leaders who gave direction to the Malabar Uprising in which thousands of agricultural workers and labourers rallied. Many non-Muslims too took part in the Malabar Uprising along with the Mappilas.

We also need to think about the theological factor that motivated the Mappilas to fight. The Islamic faith was the basic factor that inspired the Mappila warriors to take their own lives and go to battlefield. It is a part of the Islamic faith to stand for justice and to fight against injustice, discrimination, slavery and exploitation. The Qur’an and the Sunnah teach us to fight for the victims of injustice. It is part of Tawheed (monotheism) that slavery and obedience are permissible only to Allah. Believers do not accept slavery or obedience before another. And they believe that the struggle for truth and justice is Jihad in the way of Allah. The scholars of Malabar passed on these divine lessons of justice and liberation taught by Islam to the common Mappilas. That is how the struggles against the occupying forces and caste lords took place in Malabar from the sixteenth century onwards.

Indeed, a cosmopolitan component was involved in the Malabar Uprising. After a short gap, the anti-colonial struggle in Malabar gained momentum again in 1921, with the advent of the Khilafat Movement. Even the national movement became popular as a result of the influence of the Khilafat movement. The Khilafat movement and the political ideology of the Khilafat acted as a new force in the anti-colonial anti-caste struggle. Globally, western modernity strengthened its political power by overthrowing the Ottoman caliphate. It was on the basis of these political convictions that the Mappila community, having global perceptions, embraced the Khilafat movement.

The historical narratives formed by the dominant ideologies can be defended and overcome only when studies are carried out in the light of such different elements involved in the Malabar Uprising. In particular, it is imperative in modern times to enable a critical reading focusing on the agency of the warriors, theological thought, social position, and decolonization. The SIO came up with the idea of a virtual exhibition based on the conviction that such alternative narratives and analyzes focused on these considerations should be brought to the fore.

In the context of the 100th anniversary of the Malabar Uprising, SIO’s main objective through this virtual exhibition is to look at the history of Kerala’s Muslim intellectual and struggle history through an alternative perspective, to enable the production of knowledge about it, and to celebrate it politically and culturally. This can only be comprehensive when the various narratives that have been formed post rebellion are critiqued and analyzed from a realistic perspective. This is a continuation of the knowledge politics that SIO has been raising from time to time. We mark this interactive virtual exhibition as a continuation of the knowledge politics that SIO promotes through its rejection of hegemonic ideas and its critical reading of knowledge such as history, politics, theology and aesthetics.

The virtual exhibition will be available on a mobile application with a feast of video contents, paintings, calligraphy, digital art, rare archives, exclusive photos, the timeline of the uprisings of Kerala Muslims, different narratives on the Malabar Uprising, articles, profiles, events and graphical maps of the places of rebellion.

‘Mappila Haal’ will also be marked as a critical alternative to the colonial and savarna narratives which portrayed the long intellectual and revolutionary tradition of Malabar against the colonial and caste powers as fanatic and barbaric.

You can download the app both on Google Play and on the App Store.

Amjad Ali EM is the President of the SIO Kerala. The original article was published in Prabodhanam weekly published on Dec 24, 2021 (Volume 78).

Note: The original article had used the word ‘rebellion’, which we have changed to ‘uprising’

source: http://www.thecognate.com / The Cognate / Home> History / by Amjad Ali E M / January 03rd, 2022

Destitute ‘heir’ of India’s emperors demands royal residence

January 3, 2022Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, Martyrs of the Nation, Royal Families, PreIndependence -Descendants (wef. Jan 02nd,2022), World OpinionBahadur Shah Zafar, Bahadur Shah Zafar - Emperor of India, Mirza Mohammad Bedar Bukht, Prince Mirza Bedar Bukht, Sultana Begummpositiveone@gmail.com

Kolkata, WEST BENGAL :

Sultana Begum works on a garment inside her house in Kolkata. (Photo by Dibyangshu Sarkar / AFP)

Sultana Begum’s case rests on her claim that her late husband’s lineage can be traced to Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last emperor to reign

After a massive rebellion blamed on an already frail Zafar in the 1850s, British forces executed 10 of the ruler’s surviving sons despite the royal family’s surrender

Kolkata :

A destitute Indian woman who claims she is heir to the dynasty that built the Taj Mahal has demanded ownership of an imposing palace once home to the Mughal emperors.

Sultana Begum lives in a cramped two-room hut nestled within a slum on the outskirts of Kolkata, surviving on a meagre pension. Among her modest possessions are records of her marriage to Mirza Mohammad Bedar Bakht, purported to be the great-grandson of India’s last Mughal ruler.

His death in 1980 left her struggling to survive, and she has spent the past decade petitioning authorities to recognize her royal status and compensate her accordingly.

“Can you imagine that the descendant of the emperors who built Taj Mahal now lives in desperate poverty?” the 68-year-old asked AFP.

Begum has lodged a court case seeking recognition that she is rightful owner of the imposing 17th-century Red Fort, a sprawling and pockmarked castle in New Delhi that was once the seat of Mughal power. “I hope the government will definitely give me justice,” she said. “When something belongs to someone, it should be returned.”

Sultana Begum reacts while holding a picture of last Mughal Emperor of India Bahadur Shah Zafar in her house in Kolkata. (Photo by Dibyangshu Sarkar / AFP)

Her case, supported by sympathetic campaigners, rests on her claim that her late husband’s lineage can be traced to Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last emperor to reign.

By the time of Zafar’s coronation in 1837, the Mughal empire had shrunk to the capital’s boundaries, after the conquest of India by the commercial venture of British merchants known as the East India Company.

A massive rebellion two decades later — now hailed as India’s first war of independence — saw mutinous soldiers declare the now frail 82-year-old as the leader of their insurrection. The emperor, who preferred penning poetry to waging war, knew the chaotic uprising was doomed and was a reluctant leader.

British forces surrounded Delhi within a month and ruthlessly crushed the revolt, executing all 10 of Zafar’s surviving sons despite the royal family’s surrender.

Zafar himself was exiled to neighboring Myanmar, traveling under guard in a bullock cart, and died penniless in captivity five years later.

Many of the Red Fort’s buildings were demolished in the years after the uprising and the complex fell into disrepair before colonial authorities ordered its renovation at the turn of the 20th century. It has since become a potent symbol of freedom from British rule.

India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru hoisted the national flag from the fort’s main gate to mark the first day of independence in August 1947, a solemn ritual now repeated annually by his successors.

Begum’s court case hinges on the argument that India’s government are the illegal occupants of the property, which she says should have been passed down to her.

The Delhi High Court rejected her petition last week as a “gross waste of time” — but did not rule on whether her claim to imperial ancestry was legitimate. Instead the court said her legal team had failed to justify why a similar case had not been brought by Zafar’s descendants in the 150 years since his exile.

Her lawyer Vivek More said the case would continue.
“She has decided to file a plea before a higher bench of the court challenging the order,” he told AFP by phone.

Begum has endured a precarious life, even before she was widowed and forced to move into the slum she now calls home.

In this picture taken on December 22, 2201, Sultana Begun walks by an alley in the locality she lives in Kolkata. (Photo by Dibyangshu Sarkar / AFP)

Her husband — who she married in 1965 when she was just 14 — was 32 years her senior and earned some money as a soothsayer, but was unable to provide for their family. “Poverty, fear and lack of resources pushed him to the brink,” she added.

Begum lives with one of her grandchildren in a small shack, sharing a kitchen with neighbors and washing at a communal tap down the street.

For some years she ran a small tea shop near her home but it was demolished to allow the widening of a road, and she now survives on a pension of 6,000 rupees ($80) per month.

But she has not given up hope that authorities will recognize her as the rightful beneficiary of India’s imperial legacy, and of the Red Fort.

“I hope that today, tomorrow or in 10 years, I will get what I’m entitled to,” she said. “God willing, I will get it back… I’m certain justice will happen.”

source: http://www.arabnews.com /Arab News / Home> News / by AFP / December 30th, 2021