Demow (Sivsagar District), ASSAM:
The first national flag hoisted in Demow after independence, 73 years ago has still been preserved well by the family of freedom fighter Commander Mohd. Maulobi Mohd. Hussain.
source: http://www.sentinelassam.com / The Sentinel / Home / by Sentinel Digital Desk / August 14th, 2019
Shukrawar Peth, Pune, MAHARASHTRA:
The City Jama Masjid located in Pune’s Shukrawar Peth was built in 1839 for Rs 15,000 from public contributions.
On May 10, 1857, Indian sepoys in Meerut broke into an uprising that is now remembered as India’s first war of independence. While Pune, then Poona, did not see any active conflict unlike several other cantonment towns in the country, tension was palpable as the news reached the city through newspapers and word of mouth. The city did see surreptitious meetings, pamphleteering and a surge in rumours, as per accounts by historians.
Among the reactions to the mutiny that have been recorded by historians is that of prayers offered at City Jama Masjid on May 22, 1857, a Friday, for the success of the mutiny.
“After the usual Friday prayers, some 10-12 men remained in the mosque and commenced talking about the war operations before Delhi. The whole party simultaneously rose clapping their hands in the attitude of prayer, bought with the aid of the Prophet on behalf of the mutineers,” as per a contemporary government report quoted in South India in 1857 War of Independence by V D Divekar.
The attendees were identified as Jaffer Mulla, Mahomed Hayat, Hussain Arab, Rhaimu Naichiwala, Maddar Naichiwala, Imam Pattewala and Jamaluddin who were later reported to the police by the informers. It is not known if any punitive measure was taken against the attendees.
The Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency of 1885 describes the mosque as a “chief Muhammadan place of worship in the city” built around 1839 by public subscription for Rs 15,000.
“The back wall has a niche with a step against it, and is covered with texts from the Kuran. In front of the mosque is a well-sanded yard with a fountain in the middle. On one side is a washing cistern or haud. Attached to the mosque is a Persian school, a rest house and some dwellings whose rent go to the mosque fund. All Muhammadan social and religious meetings are held in this mosque,” reads the Gazetteer.
Presently, the entrance of the mosque in busy Shukrawar Peth is easy to miss as vintage shops stand shoulder to shoulder. The narrow entrance opens into a moderately spacious courtyard, 100 feet in width and 15 feet in length, before the enclosed mosque starts. There is a wuzukhana, the washing cistern, on the left side with a small fountain-like structure in the middle and the cistern’s edges lined by stools for the namazees to sit on as they do the ablutions before prayers.
That the mosque is over 180 years old is barely recognisable – due to the fresh construction of the front Sahan, the courtyard where namaz is offered, and several coats of paint on the exteriors – until one enters the innermost area which reveals its stone build, topped by a dome.
Maulana Zameeruddin, 64, the mosque’s imam, says that a few decades ago, the mosque’s roof was extended by 15 metres to accommodate more namazees. The move, however, shortened the length of the courtyard and also required the removal of a fountain that was in front of the mosque.
Zameeruddin has been the imam here for the last 40 years. “Before me, my elder uncle was the imam. Earlier, people from far-off areas such as Khadki, Dapodi and Deccan used to come to offer Friday prayer here as this is a historic place. Now, people have shifted to newer areas of the city, such as Kondhwa, where bigger mosques have come up and people prefer to pray there. Still, some people make it a point to come here, especially for Friday prayer,” he said.
For a long time, the Pune civic body’s Urdu-medium school (School No 22), operated from inside the rooms constructed within the courtyard until it shifted to a nearby location later.
Siraj Tamboli, a 65-year-old namazee who visits the mosque several times a day, said, “I belong to the third generation from my family that prays in this mosque. My sons and grandsons also come here.”
source: http://www.indianexpress.com / The Indian Express / Home> News> Cities> Pune / by Atikh Rashid, Pune / July 29th, 2024
INDIA:
“We are Indians first and we are all Indians and will remain Indians. We shall fight for the honour and glory of India and we shall die for it. (Applause). We shall stand united. There will be no divisions among Indians. United we stand; divided we fall. Therefore we do not want a reservation. It means division. I ask the members of the majority community who are present here today: Will you allow us to stand on our legs? Will you allow us to be a part and parcel of the nation? Will you allow us to be an equal partner with you? Will you allow us to march shoulder to shoulder with you? Will you allow us to share your sorrows grief and joy? If you do, then for god’s sake keep your hands off reservation for the Muslim community.” Tajamul Hussain of Patna told this to the members of the Constituent Assembly in 1949.
The speech was a befitting reply to the erstwhile rulers of India, the British crown, and the Muslim League. When the Constituent Assembly was formed, in 1946, to frame a constitution of India, the whole exercise was criticised by the colonial rulers and Muslim League alike.
The case made against the assembly was that it was not a representative body of all Indians. To some extent, the allegation was true. The elections were not held under the Universal Adult Franchise; members were not directly elected. Moreover, seats for Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis, Anglo-Indians, Europeans, and Princely States were fixed. Muslims would vote among Muslim candidates, Hindus among Hindu candidates, and so on.
To make matters worse for the nationalists, the British-backed Muslim League won 73 out of 78 seats reserved for Muslims even when Congress secured 205 of the total 296 seats. Jinnah-led League boycotted the assembly and thus claimed that the Constituent Assembly was a Hindu body where only 4 Muslims (all Congress members) were present. The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill also called the assembly a ‘Hindu body’.
The British government tried to paint the Indian Constituent Assembly as anti-Muslim. It said, “Should a constitution come to be framed by a Constituent Assembly in which a large section of the Indian population had not been represented, the British Government could not, of course, contemplate…..forcing such a constitution upon any unwilling parts of the country.”
Sir Stafford Cripps also expressed a similar opinion when the Muslim League boycotted the assembly. The argument was far from the truth. It was a boycott only by the Muslim League and not by the Muslim community.
In July 1947 after the Partition was finalised at least 27 Muslim members, originally elected on the Muslim League tickets, joined the assembly. They decided not to go to Pakistan and Indian leaders welcomed them.
Naziruddin Ahmad, a former Muslim League member, while joining the assembly declared, “There was no need for any doubt whatsoever regarding the fact that we have come here as loyal and law-abiding citizens of India.” Interestingly one such Muslim League member was later included in a seven-member drafting committee chaired by Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar.
Several Muslim members like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Mohammed Sadulla, Hasrat Mohani, B. H. Zaidi, B. Pocker Sahib Bahadur, etc. played significant parts in the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly. They were members of several committees, moved amendments, brought resolutions, and debated matters of importance. These members made their presence, and in turn of Muslims, felt in the assembly.
Muslim members raised their voices for the integration of the country. The shock of partition was great and they wanted to give a message that Muslims are as much citizens of India as other community members are.
Hasrat Mohani told the assembly, “Why do you call the Muslims a minority? They can be termed as a minority only when they function as a communal body. So long as Muslims were in the Muslim League, they were in a minority. But if they elect to form a political party without any restriction leaving it open to any community, then you should remember that whenever political parties are formed, the Muslims would fight by forming coalitions. Therefore, I say that Muslims would not like to be called a minority. To say that Muslims are in the minority is to insult them. I cannot tolerate this even for a moment.”
B. H. Zaidi, who represented Rampur, also argued against any special treatment for Muslims. He felt that it would further alienate Muslims from the mainstream. In the assembly, he said, “There has been no occasion in the history of India when the Hindus have persecuted a minority” and affirmative action should be based on economic disparity. He said, “There is one minority in this country which has always been, and which is existing in every country, and will go on existing, and that is the minority of the good and the just, of the people who are humane and liberal-minded, and who work for the regeneration of mankind and the progress of humanity. There is that minority today in this country, and to that minority Sardar Patel and the Prime Minister of India, and you sir, who adorn the Chair, belong, and the Members of this House.”
In the Constituent Assembly Muslims contested the ideas of minority, reservations, and exceptionalism on different occasions. There is no denying that a few Muslims under the leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah partitioned India, but it is also a fact that several Muslims played their roles in making India a democratic republic.
source: http://www.awazthevoice.in / Awaz, The Voice / Home> Stories / by Saquib Salim / January 25th, 2024
Dhoraji, SAURASHTRA / RANGOON:
When Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose launched his fight for the freedom of India from British rule, several likeminded people offered him their whole hearted support and help. But these people and their sacrifices have now been largely forgotten. One such man was Abdul Habeeb Yusuf Marfani, a wealthy businessman who donated all of his fortune totalling one crore and three lakh rupees, to the Indian National Army (INA). Back then it was a princely sum and it helped the INA immensely.
Marfani hailed from the town of Dhoraji in Saurashtra but later the family settled in Rangoon where they set up a flourishing and diverse range of businesses. During the Second World War, When Netaji took charge of the Indian National Army and revived its flagging strength Marfani was the first to come forward to donate a massive amount to the leader for strengthening his army. Netaji honoured him by awarding the Sevak-e Hind medal.
He was the first person who was presented with this medal by Netaji himself. Marfani’s donation was in the form of cash as well as jewellery and property deeds. Reportedly Netaji was very moved by the patriotism and generosity displayed by Marfani. He declared: “I feel very happy about what Seth Marfani has done for the liberation movement. It is extremely commendable.”
Later Netaji realised that after the donation Marfani had become a pauper. So he asked Marfani what he wanted in return for donating his entire property. Marfani replied: “Give me the uniform of a soldier of the INA. I have donated my valuables. Now allow me to give my blood. I only want freedom for India and nothing else.”
His grand gesture inspired many others to come forward with donations. Several of the donations came from poor people like farmers, daily wage earners and coolies too. They donated whatever they could even if it was a few meagre rupees. In fact, Netaji was caught in two minds about whether it was right to take away the small earnings of these poor people. But at that stage one of his aides told him that he should not reject their sentiment or they will feel hurt and therefore Netaji obliged.
The qualities of generosity and sacrifice are held in high esteem in all cultures throughout the world. All people recognise that it takes a big heart and a great soul to be so generous. Whenever Netaji and his deeds are remembered, it is important to also remember the deeds of the men who stood behind the scenes and supported the freedom struggle with everything that they had.
source: http://www.siasat.com / The Siasat Daily / Home> Featured News> by Abhijit Sen Gupta / January 22nd, 2024
Kalpakancheri (Malappuram District), KERALA / Dubai, U.A.E:
Indian recalls journey from being a fundraiser to rebuild a mosque to emerging a tycoon.
Dubai:
Azad Moopen came to Dubai 34 years ago to raise money for the renovation of a mosque in his hometown, Kalpakancheri, in the Malappuram district, Kerala. He needed Rs1 million then, or Dh250,000 as per the currency exchange rate in 1987. The plan was just to collect the funds and return home. He had no intention to settle in the UAE.
Destiny, however, had other plans for Moopen – a gold medallist in general medicine and a lecturer at the Calicut Medical College at the time. Looking back, Moopen said it was this noble intention that perhaps set the background for something big to happen in his life.
Fast forward to today, he is now a household name in the UAE. Just about everybody in the region knows him well as the multi-billion dollar businessman and developer of health-care facilities in the UAE and Asia-Pacific region. He is the chairman and managing director of Aster DM Healthcare, a conglomerate in the Middle East and India that Moopen founded in December 1987, just ten months after arriving in the UAE to raise funds for a mosque.
According to a report published in September 2018, he owned and managed 21 hospitals, 113 clinics and 216 pharmacies. The health-care company serves 50,000 patients a day in nine countries. In 2018, Aster treated 17 million patients across all its facilities. Of this these, 15 million patients were from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, while two million were from India.
In 2017, Forbes ranked him sixth on the ‘Top 100 Indian Leaders in UAE’ list and his total wealth was estimated at approximately $5.9 billion (Dh21.7 billion).
“When I finished collecting money for the mosque reconstruction, my job was over in the UAE. It was time to return home, but when I went home, I was not happy. There was something pulling me back to this country as there was magic here,” said Moopen. “In June (1987), I came back on a visit to the UAE. I stayed with a friend in Ajman who was a doctor as well. There were plenty of opportunities for a doctor like me and I was raring to tap into some of them.”
Moopen’s friend was setting up a clinic in Ajman and he invited him to join there as a physician. Back in the day, there were no post-graduate doctors practising in Ajman and Moopen, who was a Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery (MBBS) and a Doctor of Medicine, with a a Diploma in treating Tuberculosis and Chest Diseases (DTCD), was already highly qualified. In fact, his varied degrees made him quite a sought-after doctor in Ajman.
“But my friend bowled me a googlie, as we say in cricketing terms! He turned around one day and told me to start a clinic in Dubai. To be honest, I thought he did not like me and that’s why he was pushing me away to Dubai. But I took his advice and today, I believe he is my guardian angel. That moment, when I heeded his advise and came to Dubai, it was the turning point in my life. I know now he was a friend, he was a God-sent and he is ‘the person’ in my life.”
– Azad Moopen
In December 1987, Moopen leased a two-bedroom apartment in Bur Dubai close to the Port Rashid area. “Port Rashid was one of the main areas in Dubai where there were many ongoing activities. A lot of people worked here and I wanted to serve them.”
He said the consultation charges were between Dh10 and 15. Some people got reimbursement from their companies while others paid the bills from their pocket.
“The challenge, however, was collecting money from some blue collared workers who could not afford to pay even this amount. So every Tuesday we started offering free consultations for half a day. We also kept sample medicines which we gave to these workers.”
Within a year, the clinic started receiving 100 patients a day. There were just two doctors – Moopen and a gynaecologist.
“I myself worked from 8 in the morning until mid-night. But it was becoming very congested and we needed to move to a bigger place,” he said. “I found a three-bedroom apartment in Al Rafa and we moved there. We hired two more doctors – both paediatricians. We were able to see more patients as a result.”
By that time in 1988, Moopen was getting a hang of running a health-care facility. “One of the things we discovered early on was that people came to us for consultation, but were picking up medicines from another pharmacy. So, we thought why not make this in-house? And that is how Al Rafa Pharmacy was born.”
Moopen said that in 2008, he had his real brush with success. “Until then, I was just doing my job of opening clinics, hospitals and pharmacies. I was not really counting or sitting down to see and evaluate the success of my business. In 2008, as part of our expansion plans, we invited a private equity firm to invest with us. They valued our company at $100 million and that reality hit me. We had grown and how! It was an emotional moment for me, reading the valuation report and made me think of how hard the company staff and me had worked to bring it that far,” he said.
In 2012, a second private equity firm came on board and they valued Aster DM Healthcare at $400 million. “This means we had grown four times in four years. It was massive.”
Today, Aster DM is listed at the National Stock Exchange of India (NSE) and the company’s total revenue in 2019 was fixed at a massive $1.4 billion.
“Without batting an eyelid I will say that it is my staff, my people, my doctors who have made this company successful. I am blessed and lucky to have these people working for me for decades. Our doctor turnover at the consultant level is as low as five per cent. This means our doctors practically never leave us. And, because of this, our patients never leave us.
“No matter how successful you become in life, you never forget the people who helped you along the way. And this, to me, has been the biggest reason for my success. To give you an example, the other day, one of my CEOs brought me a staff member’s performance report. He wanted me to fire him as he was not performing well. When I saw the report I realised he was an old friend’s son. This friend, I remember, had loaned me Dh500 when I had come to the UAE for the first time.”
“As the memories flooded me, I simply refused to sign the sack letter. Instead, I called this young boy and his father and told them about the report. From my part, I have given this boy a second chance. I pray he will make use of the opportunity given to him.”
“There are always challenges in business. If you want your career graph to have a smooth ride, then you must not pick business as your profession. Success in business lies in finding your challenges and meeting them head-on,” said Moopen.
“For example, the UAE’s mandatory insurance has proved to be beneficial for the consumer, but for health-care providers like us, it is a challenge. People would come to us because of our credibility. Now, it has to do with the kind of insurance coverage they have.”
Moopen has pledged to give 20 per cent of his wealth to charity. An off-shoot of this has been the ‘Aster Volunteers’ programme to help patients with free consultations, treatment and surgeries. More than 900,000 lives have been touched by the programme.
In 2010 and 2011, Moopen was awarded the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman and Padma Shri, respectively, by the Government of India.
“By God’s grace, I have everything in life. Name, fame, wealth, a great family. It is my duty and responsibility now to help others. When I started out, I was in the right place at the right time with the right people. I want others to be in my shoes. I am nearing retirement and my only dream now is to hand over my business to my team of professionals who, I believe, will do a better job than me.”
source: http://www.gulfnews.com / Gulf News / Home> UAE Success Stories> exclusive / by Anjana Kumar, Senior Reporter / January 15th, 2019
Bettaiah (West Champaran District), BIHAR / Lucknow , UTTAR PRADESH :
The Champaran Satyagraha is a landmark chapter in India’s history, and an important catalyst for it was journalist Pir Muhammed Munis, whose letter to Gandhi set the stage for the monumental resistance.
In 1917, when British rule prevailed over India, the government prepared a list to keep track of 32 of MK Gandhi’s closest associates. At number 10 was a name that history hasn’t forgotten since.
Pir Muhammed Munis, a journalist known for the power of his pen, was instrumental in his role in the Champaran Satyagraha movement, also touted as India’s first organised act of civil disobedience.
Through his body of work, he scripted a record of heroism that is etched into the sands of time.
To truly appreciate Munis’ role in the struggle for Independence, we trace our steps to 1916, when the British Raj was exercising exceeding control over Indians. One particularly vulnerable group were the farmers in Champaran, Bihar.
The source of contention was the agrarian practices in the region. While the British were intent on the peasants growing indigo, a lucrative cash crop with sizable demand in the markets abroad, the farmers were deprived of land for growing food crops instead. This tussle culminated in a famine, causing the farmers to rise in revolt against the dominion of the British. As the conflict escalated, word reached Gandhi. How?
Pir Muhammed Munis was behind it.
The uprising of the peasants in Champaran wasn’t going unnoticed. The country was reading about it thanks to Munis, who left no stone unturned in letting his views reflect his patriotic feelings. In the years to come, Pir Muhammed Munis would go down in history as the journalist who raised his voice when it was most difficult to be heard.
He chronicled the efforts of the farmers, the unlawful practices of the British and more such news in Hindi — despite the elite class being fluent in Urdu, Persian and English — displaying his ardent love for the language. In his later life, he went on to advocate for Hindi to be propagated amongst the masses. Anecdotes suggest during his later interactions with Gandhi, Munis even went on to teach the legend the language, a skill that greatly helped the latter.
So persistent and vocal was he about his patriotic opinions that he was termed as “notorious”, “bitter” and “dangerous” by the British, eventually being branded as a ‘badmash patrakar (rouge journalist)’.
A British Police document from the Azadi Ke Deewane Museum at Red Fort reads, “Pir Muhammed Munis is actually a dangerous and hoodlum journalist who through his questionable literature, brought to light the sufferings of a backward place like Champaran in Bihar.”
But nothing stopped Munis from continuing to write, his pen a double-edged sword. His works appeared frequently in Pratap, a Hindi weekly, and monthlys such as Gyanshakti and Gorakhpur. He was also on the editorial board of Desh launched and edited by Dr Rajendra Prasad.
The most famous letter among his repertoire of literary works is a letter he penned with local farmer Rajkumar Shukla, intended to be sent to Gandhi on 27 February 1917. Shukla conveyed the grievances of the farming community, while Munis coupled this with his power of words. An excerpt from the letter reads, “Our sad tale is much worse than what you and your comrades have suffered in South Africa”.
In another letter dated 22 March 1917, Munis once again voiced his concerns about the peasants in Champaran, and asked Gandhi to pay them a visit. And when he did on 10 April 1917, people commended the bond between the two, often calling Munis Gandhi’s pillar as he hatched plans for the Champaran Satyagraha.
As the first Satyagraha movement, it set the stage for future mass protests and uprisings. Gandhi set up schools in the Champaran area, gathered volunteers, conducted village surveys, organised protests, and strikes, and advocated for control over the sale of crops to be given to the farmers. And through this mutiny, Munis was by his side.
This did not go down well with the British. As a letter written by W H Lewis, sub-division officer to the commissioner of Tirhut division indicates, “… Mr Gandhi got offers of assistance, the most prominent is Pir Muhammad. I have not (sic) full details of his career, but either Whitty or Marsham could give them. He is, I believe, a convert to Muhammadanism and was a teacher in the Raj School. He was dismissed from his post for virulent attacks on local management published in or about 1915 in the press. He lives in Bettiah and works as a press correspondent for the Pratap of Lucknow, a paper which distinguished itself for its immoderate expressions on Champaran Questions… Pir Muhammad is the link between this Bettiah class of mostly educated and semi-educated men and the next class, i.e. the Raiyats’ own leaders…”
History never forgets the cries of the just, and the Champaran Satyagraha was proof of this.
The mutiny ended with the British officers agreeing to formulate the Champaran Agrarian Act of 1918. The Act abolished the forcible cultivation of indigo and thus relieved tremendous pressure being put on the farmers here. The event has gone down in history as one of the first major revolts that forced the English to introduce a Bill in favour of the Indians.
With the Tinkathia system being abolished, the farmers thought the worst was over. But the British continued to oppress them in different ways. Fuelled by ending this once and for all, Munis started Raiyati Sabha, a platform that would advocate for and protect the rights of the farming community. For this, Munis faced a six-month jail term.
This wasn’t the last of imprisonment. In 1930 he was imprisoned in the Patna Camp jail for three months for his participation in the Salt Satyagraha of the Civil Disobedience Movement.
However, nothing could deter him from his goal of protecting the rights of his countrymen. In 1937, he led sugarcane producers who were protesting against intermediaries who were pocketing a major part of the earnings. He was also elected member of the Champaran Zila Parishad (District Board) on the Congress ticket and became President of Bettiah Local Board, from which he resigned to join the Individual Civil Disobedience Movement.
Throughout his lifetime, he advocated for rural development, popularisation of Hindi in primary schools and the rights of his fellow Indians. Until his passing away on 23 September 1949 Munis continued to be a leader worth looking up to for his countrymen.
Lauding the efforts of Munis on his passing away, Pratap editor Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi, wrote in his newspaper, “We have the utmost sorrow that Pir Muhammed Munis of Bettiah, Champaran district has died. We have the privilege to see such souls who are quietly lying aside. The world doesn’t come to know anything about their issues. The lesser these sons of Mother India are renowned, the more profound is their work, the more philanthropic.”
He further wrote, “You recited the dreadful story of Champaran to Gandhi ji and this was a result of your hard-work only that Mahatma Gandhi visited Champaran which made this land a pious place and the place which is unerasable in the pages of history”.
source: http://www.thebetterindia.com / The Better India / Home> English> History> Inspirational / by Krystelle Dsouza / July 28th, 2023
INDIA / PALESTINE:
On 4 January 1931, the legendary freedom fighter, journalist, educationist and Islamic philosopher Mohammad Ali Jauhar (born 10 December 1878) passed away. He is known as one of the most dynamic and versatile leaders of the subcontinent and, indeed, the Muslim world. The story of his passing and burial in Palestine is as captivating as his role in India’s freedom struggle from British rule.
In November 1928, during his European tour, information was received in Al-Quds (Jerusalem) that Jauhar would visit Palestine on his way back to India. This news brought immense joy to the Palestinian Muslims, particularly those deeply devoted to him, and they awaited his arrival eagerly.
One Palestinian observer, Nazir Hassan Al-Ansari, wrote a detailed report on this impending visit in the Delhi-based Urdu newspaper Hamdard. In the 3 December, 1928, issue, he said that Jauhar’s telegram from Damascus was received by Syed Amin Al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and the Head of the Muslim Supreme Council in British Mandate Palestine. He was due to arrive in Al-Quds from Damascus on 15 November, and the spacious rooms above the Sharia Department in Al-Quds were prepared for him.
According to the same report, this news spread rapidly throughout Palestine, and preparations for his reception started on the border, from the ancient crossing over of the River Jordan, Banat Yaqoob, all the way to Al-Quds. Thousands gathered along the roads, observing customary Arab traditions with horse riders and women singing Arabic songs of welcome. Although anticipated to arrive around noon, Jauhar was delayed until 10pm, leading to disappointed crowds heading homeward.
His entry into Palestine was initially declined by the British Mandate High Commissioner of Palestine, Sir (later Lord) Herbert Plumer on 16 November, despite the fervent anticipation of the Palestinians. He was finally permitted to enter Palestine on 20 November, arriving in Tiberias late in the evening in the chilling cold. Despite the adverse weather conditions, his arrival in Al-Quds the following day was met with wholehearted warmth, sincerity and enthusiasm from the people of Palestine.
Comrade and Hamdard were both newspapers published in India by Mohammad Ali Jauhar, in which he gave plenty of column inches to Palestine. He was always concerned about Palestine, and wrote about it from the beginning of his career in journalism. He was particularly vocal after the 1917 Balfour Declaration. The British government closely monitored him and others who expressed their apprehension about the fate of Jerusalem, and opposition to the Zionist movement.
This monitoring is evident in a letter from the office of the Lieutenant Governor’s Camp of the United Province, dated 1 December, 1917, to Sir James DuBoulay. The letter discussed concerns regarding the growing Muslim interest in Jerusalem and the need to monitor the New Era newspaper. “[We] are watching this particular newspaper, which is sailing as near the wind as the Comrade and Hamdard used to do; and it may be at any moment necessary to impose pre-censorship upon it or in some other way to draw its teeth.” This letter is available in the national archives of India.
Jauhar was always raising awareness about Palestine through his writing and speeches, along with his brother Shaukat Ali. A delegation from Palestine came to India in 1923–24. On 29 January 1924, the Khilafat Committee organised a public meeting in Chhota Kabrastan, Grant Road, Bombay (now Mumbai), where members of the Palestine Deputation were also present.
A report in the Times of India on 31 January 1924, headed “Palestine Deputation: An Appeal for Funds”, detailed the arrival of Muhammed Ali, Shaukat Ali and their mother, Bi Amma, who were greeted with cries of Allahu Akbar (God is Great).
The report said that after meeting the members of the Palestine Deputation, Mohammad Ali moved the following resolution: “This meeting of the Musalmans [Muslims] of Bombay offers its hearty welcome to the Palestine Deputation that has come to India to ask for financial support for the necessary repairs of Masjid-i-Aqsa and Masjid-i-Sakhra [Dome of the Rock] and is of the opinion that it is the duty of every Muslim man, woman and child to take part in this work and thus achieve prosperity and salvation in this world and the world to come.” He also appealed for donations from the Muslims, successfully mobilising the Indian Muslims for the cause of Palestine.
Mohammad Ali Jauhar arrived in London in 1930 to participate in the Round Table Conference for the Independence of India, despite his ailing health. His speech there was historic. He breathed his last at London’s Hyde Park Hotel on 4 January 1931. The funeral prayer was scheduled for the following day at 6pm in Paddington Town Hall. The then Afghan Ambassador, Egyptian Ambassador, Iranian Ambassador and all the members of the Round Table offered their shoulders to carry the bier on which lay Jauhar’s body. There was a huge crowd of British people outside the hall, and British representatives of all parties were also present inside the hall.
Everyone wanted Jauhar to be buried in their city. The people of London believed that he should be buried there, but his family was against it. His widow, Amjadi Bano Begum, wanted to take him to India, and hundreds of telegrams came from India calling for him to be taken home.
The Grand Mufti of Palestine, Amin Al-Husseini, requested that Mohammad Ali Jauhar be buried in Baitul Muqaddas, Jerusalem. It is said that his motive was to associate the Muslims of India with Palestine on religious grounds. Just as the Muslims of India love Makkah and Madinah, so too should they love Baitul Muqaddas.
Shaukat Ali agreed to the Grand Mufti’s request. The body was kept in London for five days, then it was sent by ship to Egypt, arriving in Port Said on 21 January 1931, where it was placed under the supervision of representatives of the Egyptian government and conveyed to the Abbas Mosque, accompanied by a police bodyguard. Egypt presented a piece of the Kiswa (the cloth that covers the Ka’bah in Makkah) to be placed on the coffin. The funeral prayer was performed again in the mosque, after which Jauhar’s remains were carried through the streets lined by respectful crowds.
According to Reuters, special prayers were held in mosques across Palestine after the midday prayer. The news that the body was being taken for interment in the Noble Sanctuary of Al-Aqsa (Haram Al-Sharif) was welcomed widely as evidence of the strengthening of the friendship between the Muslims of India and Palestine.
When Mohammad Ali Jauhar’s remains arrived in Jerusalem on 23 January, all shops closed out of respect.
Shaukat Ali and Mufti Amin Al-Husseini led the funeral procession; navigating through a massive crowd, it took them three hours to reach Masjid Al-Aqsa. Following the Friday prayer, the funeral prayer was offered for the third time, with an estimated congregation of around two hundred thousand people. Mohammad Ali Jauhar was finally laid to rest amidst speeches by numerous prominent Muslim leaders.
According to a report by the Times of India on 14 September 1929, Jauhar presided over a public meeting of Muslims in Bombay the day before. The meeting deliberated on the appropriate next steps considering the responses of British ministers and the Government of India to the unified demands of Muslims regarding the ongoing events in Palestine. He was reported to have said that the Muslims alone were the owners of Jerusalem, which was the land of their first Qibla (direction of prayer) and thus held in great reverence.
“The British wanted to give the Jews full rights over the Wailing Wall,” said Jauhar. “The divide-and-rule policy of the Europeans had proved useful. Instead of withdrawing the Balfour Declaration, the government wanted to enforce it on the Arabs, and the only reply they could give to it was that the Mussalmans [sic] should ask for the independence of India and free it from the shackles of India.” The meeting and other such events were utilised by him to garner support for India’s freedom and educate Muslims about Palestine.
He was also reported to have said that he would sacrifice his life and see that no stone was left unturned to liberate Palestine from British control. He urged Indian Muslims to intensify their efforts to secure India’s freedom, stating that the freedom of Palestine and other Islamic countries from foreign domination hinged on India’s independence.
An article in the Palestine Bulletin on 5 January 1931 following his demise mentioned Jamaal Husseini’s visit to the esteemed leader just before leaving London. During their meeting, Mohammad Ali Jauhar assured Husseini: “Do not think that I have forgotten Palestine. The memory of Palestine will be in my mind as long as I live.” He then asked him to give his greetings to all of the Muslims of Palestine.
The life of Mohammad Ali Jauhar was an exemplary bridge between the Muslims of India and Palestine. After his death, his brother Shaukat Ali took over the task of further strengthening the cause of Palestine in India. As ongoing events in Israeli-occupied Palestine demonstrate, that need is as great today, if not more so, than it was a century ago.
Afroz Alam Sahil is an Indian journalist and author. Afshan Khan is a PhD candidate in Political Science and International Relations at Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University. She can be contacted at @AfshanKhanSahil on X.
source: http://www.middleeastmonitor.com / Middle East Monitor (MEMO) / Home> Opinion / by Afzoz Alam Sahil and Afshan Khan / January 04th, 2024
Lucknow, UTTAR PRADESH:
The Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be mergedThe Telegraph visits the haveli where the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements came to be merged.
Stepping into Farangi Mahal in Lucknow after skirting rows of low-priced chikankari salwar kameez shops and their steady din is somewhat like stepping into the stillness of a forest after having left a busy city. Only, Farangi Mahal is anything but a forest. It is a cluster of buildings that hold within them a bit of history that has been almost forgotten, as the past often is in India, obscured by new settlements or construction, or billboards, if not demolished altogether.
In Farangi Mahal the past is difficult to see also because of the turn Indian politics has taken.
I am part of a group from Calcutta visiting Lucknow last October.
Inside Farangi Mahal, located in the old neighbourhood of Chowk, we enter its elegant and serene courtyard. The lime-and-mortar white exterior is tinged with a blue, peeling off in places. The afternoon sun slants down on the pillared arches and the exposed bricks but does not take away from the fragile beauty of the structure.
Adnan Abdul Wali, a member of the family that owns the house, the Farangi Mahalis, ushers us into the courtyard. His Urdu and Hindi are as impeccable as his courtesy. He is a direct descendant of Maulana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahali, who was a leader of the Khilafat Movement.
Farangi Mahal’s story, however, goes back beyond the nawabs and the British. It was occupied by French merchants during the rule of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and that is how it got its name. The merchants, owing to some offence, lost the property and Aurangzeb gave it to Abdul Bari’s ancestors, who needed a safe haven.
“The Khilafat movement started from here,” says Wali. Farangi Mahal is where the idea of joining the Khilafat Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement was born and Abdul Bari was the architect of the plan. It was a glorious moment of Hindu-Muslim unity in Indian history and Lucknow played its part in it.
Abdul Bari, an eminent religious scholar who belonged to the tradition of highly respected scholars from his family, was also an astute politician. He had travelled across many Muslim countries and was acutely aware of the impact of British imperialism on the Islamic world.
In March 1919 came the Rowlatt Act, which was to be followed by the horrors of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in April 1919, one of the events that would lead Mahatma Gandhi to launch the Non-Cooperation Movement. Before that happened, a large number of Muslims in India were already disturbed by the threat of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey following World War I and the jeopardised future of the Caliph, the Ottoman head of state, who is nominally the supreme religious and political leader of Sunni Muslims across the world. Turkey had been defeated by the Allied Forces, which included the British.
Abdul Bari was convinced that in India, Muslims needed to be made aware that the fate of the Ottoman Empire was their religious concern — and the articulation of the Khilafat (Caliphate) cause needed a larger, national platform.
From around 1919, Abdul Bari was raising support in the countryside, says Francis Robinson, a historian who specialises in Islam in South Asia. Abdul Bari had founded a newspaper for the purpose. But more importantly, he wanted to woo Gandhi to the Khilafat struggle.
Gandhi came to stay in Farangi Mahal for the first time in March 1919 and within six months, Abdul Bari had won him over, says Robinson. This also led to a period of a very special friendship between the two men, which was rooted not only in a common political cause but also shared spiritual beliefs and a love for mysticism, as embodied in Sufi philosophy.
Politically, the campaign for Khilafat and Gandhi’s stamp on it saw Abdul Bari reaching the height of his influence during 1919 and 1920.
Abdul Bari and his Farangi Mahal relatives, with the help of the lawyer Chaudhri Khaliquzzaman, drew up the constitution of the All-India Central Khilafat Committee, says Robinson. “He devoted enormous effort first to persuade the Khilafat Committee to adopt non-cooperation as a policy and second, at the Allahabad meetings in June (1920), in persuading the committee to accept Gandhi as chair of the group that was to put non-cooperation into action,” adds Robinson.
From then on till September 1920, Abdul Bari successfully campaigned to organise a significant Muslim presence at the Calcutta Special Congress, which was held from September 4 to 9, 1920. The session passed the resolution of the Non-Cooperation Movement with a demand for Swaraj. The Khilafat Committee and the Congress came together with non-cooperation as the common goal.
After March 1919, Gandhi stayed at Farangi Mahal three times, recounts Wali proudly. Other leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sarojini Naidu stayed here as well. During Gandhi’s second visit, in September 1919, Muslims in the area abstained from cow slaughter during Bakrid as a mark of respect to Gandhi and appreciation for his support to the Khilafat cause. “Abdul Bari had requested Muslim families to make the gesture,” says Wali.
This was somewhat different from the recent celebration of November 25 as No Non-Veg Day by the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh. The announcement was made to honour the birth anniversary of Sadhu T.L. Vaswani and slaughterhouses and meat shops were required to remain closed that day. There is a world of difference between giving up meat voluntarily and being forced to do so, as there is between non-violence and violence. But such distinctions perhaps do not make much sense anymore in Lucknow, once the capital of nawab-ruled Oudh, now ruled by the BJP with Yogi Adityanath at its helm. Like the No Non-Veg Day, the city has several streets and institutions named after lesser-known Hindu saints.
Abdul Bari is said to have introduced Gandhi to the sufi saint Bakhtiyar Kaki, disciple and successor to Moinuddin Chishti. Three days before his death, Gandhi delivered his last public address at the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki in Mehrauli.
Abdul Bari had earlier invited Gandhi to Ajmer, where Chishti is enshrined. At Ajmer Sharif Dargah, Gandhi is said to have experienced his first qawwali on Chishti. It was there that he asked Abdul Bari about Bakhtiyar Kaki. He had first visited Ajmer Sharif in 1921 and would visit it again.
In 1922, after the Chauri Chaura incident, Gandhi withdrew the Non-Cooperation Movement. Abdul Bari did not relent; he was not sparing of Gandhi either, says Robinson, but one has to remember his politics was primarily religious in inspiration. His influence declined steadily from this time and he died in 1926, a disappointed man, according to Robinson.
His name is often seen missing now from the roll call of prominent Khilafat leaders.
And yet Abdul Bari was not only a politician but also an eminent educator, Wali reminds. His ancestors had established a madrasah that became well-known all over the Islamic world and had introduced a syllabus, Dars-e-Nazami, which became a much-respected system of learning.
As a revered teacher in his family tradition, Abdul Bari introduced major changes to the curriculum by stressing the learning of Western sciences and discouraging rote learning.
Wali breaks down. It is very difficult to reconcile the present with the past, he says. Lucknow was never a utopia; communal riots had broken out here around the time of Gandhi’s visits to Farangi Mahal. But now the very fabric of society has changed, he feels. He reads from an Urdu book, and though the meaning of the words remains elusive, the music lingers. Farangi Mahal, with Wali bent over his book, look almost unreal.
But Farangi Mahal still stands, held up by its ancient, sturdy, flat bricks, and memory. Some things stay.
source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> Culture / by Chandrima S Bhattacharya / January 07th, 2024
Jigna, Gopalganj District, BIHAR:
He was a poet, playwright, lyricist, folk singer and social and political activist.
When it comes to Bhojpuri literature or music, many people are only familiar with the vulgar songs raking in “likes” on YouTube and social media. But there is more that remains unknown outside.
Bhojpuri literature, especially folk music, is profoundly rich and covers a wide range of social, cultural and political issues such as dowry, child marriage, migration, freedom, communalism and caste.
Migration has always been central to Bhojpuri literature. Over the last two centuries, large numbers of people have migrated from this region. Bidesiya, a play written by Bhikhari Thakur that marks the trend, has been adapted into a film. Mahendra Misir and Master Nazir, too, are known for writing on migration and many other issues.
But before them, there was Rasul Miya whose work was not limited to cultural and social issues. He wrote also about the political problems of the time. His poetry is full of agony over issues such as colonialism, feudalism, the Partition, Hindu-Muslim unity and Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination.
Rasul Miya was a poet, playwright, lyricist, folk singer and social and political activist. He was born in 1872 in a village called Jigna in Gopalganj district (neighbouring Siwan) of Bihar and died in 1952. His father and other family elders, too, were members of a drama company known as Naach in the region.
He learnt from his elders but did not follow their tradition. He incorporated contemporary political ideas into his songs. His poetry bore the influence of Mahatma Gandhi.
‘Kalkatwa’ connection
Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh have a very old relationship with Calcutta. Since colonial times, this region has not had much employment opportunities, so people migrated to countries like Fiji and Suriname as “girmitiya mazdoors” (indentured labour), to the Gulf countries (called Pardesi) as unskilled labour, and to Calcutta in search of a prosperous life.
Therefore, migration was a very important reason why such literature came into being. In a way, Calcutta was seen as evil because it always snatched the male members of the household.
The people of this region often call the city “Kalkatwa” — a name that carries a negative connotation that is far removed from the “Kalkattey” of Mirza Ghalib, who loved the city.
As Bhikhari Thakur wrote: “Hey sajni re hey sajni, piya gaile Kalkatwa he sajni (Oh, my darling, my beloved has gone away to Calcutta).”
As his father, too, had migrated to Calcutta, Rasul Miya used to go there quite often and perform on stage. The city had a huge number of migrant labourers from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.
Once, before Independence, Rasul Miya performed in a police station in Calcutta, singing a song that inspired many Indian personnel to quit the British-led force.
“Chhod da gorki ke ab tu khusami balma/ Ekar kahiya le karab ghulami balma (Give up serving the British/ How long will you be slaves to them),” he sang.
The exodus, mainly by personnel from Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh, drew the attention of the British. The colonial government arrested Rasul Miya because it felt threatened by his songs. He was taken to a police station through a red-light zone. Later, sex workers of the area pawned their jewellery to secure Rasul Miya’s release.
On the day of the Mahatma’s assassination, Rasul Miya was in Calcutta and was about to perform at a factory. Gandhi’s death shook him. But when he was asked to cancel his show, he insisted that he would perform but would change the content.
He changed the entire performance on the spot. One of the songs he sang was: “Ke maral hamra Gandhi ke goli ho dhamadham teen go/ Kalihe azadi milal aaj chalal goli (Who killed my Gandhi, firing three shots/ We got freedom just yesterday and fired the bullets today).”
Rasul Miya never met the Mahatma but staunchly believed in his ideas. It’s people like Rasul Miya, who registered their protest despite having many limitations, that we need to remember today while dealing with political majoritarianism.
Fearlessness
Other Bhojpuri poets and drama companies portrayed social evils. Bhikhari Thakur, the “Shakespeare of Bhojpuri”, wrote on subjects like child marriage and dowry.
Mahendra Misir’s songs are still popular and help understand the pain of migration, while Master Aziz was a champion of Hindu-Muslim unity through his songs and was known as “Kabir of Bhojpuri”.
But Rasul Miya’s venture into political issues reflected his fearlessness. He wrote against the zamindari system and on the Partition, communal politics, religion and caste, as well as on his philosophy of life.
Why do we need to remember him?
First, when we are dealing with hatred against minorities — especially Muslims but also Dalits — we need to know about a Muslim poet-lyricist who wrote Ram Ka Sehra.
(Sehra is a genre of Urdu poetry. In Poorbi culture, during Muslim and Hindu marriages, sehras are sung for the bridegroom when he arrives at the bride’s door.)
People like Bhikhari Thakur and Mahendra Misir are remembered through books, statues and government facilitation but Rasul Miya has been forgotten. Even his family does not have a single photo of him. Rasul Miya should be remembered the same way as figures like Gaddar, Faiz and Paash.
Although Rasul Miya had been easily forgotten because of the lack of records, the author Subhas Chandra Kushwaha has revived his memory and legacy.
He went to Rasul Miya’s home and collected his songs and details about his life orally from his relatives and other residents of the village.
Chandan Tiwari, a Bhojpuri folk singer, is known for reinventing forgotten Bhojpuri folk songs. He has made Rasul Miya popular and familiar again by singing his songs and making them accessible to the masses.
source: http://www.telegraphindia.com / The Telegraph Online / Home> India / by Nehal Ahmed / May 16th, 2022
INDIA:
We, The Indian Muslims are proud to be citizens of this great country. We have been an architect of this land all through centuries since the days of dynastic rule. Whether it was construction of world class network of transport facilities like Grand Trunk Road linking major cities, founding new cities of highest standards for that age, huge monumental structures to attract the world, development of living standards and maintain cordial relationships between groups belonging to various religions, languages, castes and cultures, we pioneered justice and maintained the system.
With the passage of years, decades and turn of events, the foreign forces got attracted to it and slowly took over the rein of rule.
We were first to challenge and fight for country’s independence valiantly. Even our clergymen took to streets and fought, thousands laid down their lives. Colonel Balwan Singh Nagial, a third-generation Indian Army officer who retired in 2019 wrote in Times of India (April 23, 2022), thus: “Muslim leadership contributed enormously to divergent phases of the Indian struggle for independence. They (Muslims) played a larger-than-life role and made significant sacrifices in this struggle for independence.
From the last Mughal ruler Bahadur Shah Zafar to nawabs, princes, landlords of all sizes, clergy, ulema and the ordinary people, they all stood for the cause and took on enormous challenges and made supreme sacrifices.
When the INC was formed in 1885, the Muslims responded enthusiastically and supported all its efforts throughout the freedom struggle until India became free. The most enthusiastic support for the INC was from the Muslims of the conservative Ulama of Deoband. Earlier, the Ulama had participated in the 1857 uprising with heart and soul.
They made great sacrifices, and hundreds of them were sent to Andaman-Nicobar and many to Malta, an island to the south of Italy.
Muslim leaders who contributed to India’s struggle for independence were:
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Muhammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Allama Iqbal, Muhammad Barkathulla, Bi Amma (mother of Ali brothers), Badarudeen Tyabji, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Dr M.A. Ansari, Dr Siafudeen Kichlu, Dr Basheer Ahmad, Syed Ameer Ali, Dr Syed Muhammad, Hasrat Mohani, Nawab Abdul Latheef, Altaf Hussain Hali, Syed Ahmad Sirhindi, Syed Ahmad Bareilly, Maulana Shibli Numani, Munshi Karamat Ali, Munshi Zakaullah.
Hindus and Muslims together fought the foreign forces shoulder to shoulder. A report by the ‘Milli Chronicle’ says that names of 95,300 freedom fighters are etched on the India Gate in Delhi, and remarkably, 61,945 of these names belong to Muslims, signifying that 65% of these brave individuals were Muslims. The significance of this statistic is eloquently captured by the renowned writer Mr. Kushwant Singh, who boldly declared that the story of Indian freedom is etched in the blood of Muslims, emphasizing their large contribution to the freedom struggle, considering their dis-proportionately smaller population percentage.
The annals of history are adorned with the stories of Muslim freedom fighters who put their lives on the line to liberate India from the shackles of British oppression. These individuals, driven by an unwavering determination to secure their homeland’s independence, demonstrated exceptional courage and resilience.
All through ages we find tall personalities like Sultan Haidar Ali, father of Tipu Sultan, (he pioneered the fight against British colonial forces); Tipu Sultan, son of Haider Ali; (he pioneered the use of iron-cased rockets); Ashfaqullah Khan,(noted for his daring attacks on British government trains); Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, the youngest President of the Indian National Congress,(who rallied Hindus and Muslims alike against British oppression); Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, (a pivotal figure in the Khilafat movement); was jailed for 13 years by the British), Sirajud Daula, (the last Nawab of Bengal), Badruddin Tyabji (of Indian National Congress); his wife, Suraiya Tayabji, who designed the present Indian flag., Zain-ul-Abideen, an officer of the Indian National Army (INA), coined the iconic patriotic slogan “Jai Hind.”
While recounting the names of every Muslim freedom fighter may be an impossible feat, their contributions and sacrifices in the fight against British colonialism are immeasurable and undeniable. The fact that many chose to remain in India underscores their deep-rooted connection to the land. Despite attempts to distort history, India will forever be the cherished home of its Muslim citizens. We gave the independent India Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the first Education Minister, Dr. Rafi Ahmed Qidwai, Dr.Zakir Hussain (an Educationist and Vice President), and numerous figures as servants to the country in the form of politicians, officers, industrialists, entrepreneurs, researchers, technocrats etc. in every field.
Our very recent contribution to the nation’s public service has been the world famous Scientist/Technocrat and President Dr.A.P.J. Kalam. He set the highest, un-believable standard of honesty, transparency and clean image in public life. A glimpse into the life he spent in the Rashtrapati Bhavan as President gives a shocking information. The same is as under: Mr. P M Nair, (retired IAS officer, then Secretary to Dr. Abdul Kalam, the President writes in his book “Kalam Effect” that Dr. Kalam used to receive costly gifts whenever he went abroad (as it is part of custom & protocol) used to ask the gifts to be photographed and then catalogued and handed over to the archives. Afterwards, he never even looked at them. He did not take even a pencil from the gifts received when he left Rashtrapathi Bhavan. It was a regular practice for every President to host an Iftar party, a routine. Upon being reminded about it Dr. Kalam asked Mr. Nair why he should host a party to people who are already well fed. Instead he estimated and donated Rs.22 lac being the cost to a few selected orphanages in the form of food, dresses and blankets besides a cheque for Rs.1.lakh from his personal funds. Though himself a devout Muslim, he never organized Iftar parties in President’s house at Public expense. Once Dr. Kalam invited 50 of his relatives to come to Delhi and they all stayed in Rashtrapathi Bhavan. He organized a bus for them to go around the city which was paid for by him.
No official car was used. Their lodging and food bill which came to Rs.2 laks was paid by him as per his instructions. Dr. Kalam’s elder brother stayed with him in his room for the entire one week as Dr Kalam wanted his brother to stay with him. When they left, Dr. Kalam wanted to pay rent for that room also. Imagine the President of a country paying rent for the room in which he is staying. This was any way not agreed to by the staff who thought the honesty was getting too much to handle. When he was to leave Rashtrapathi Bhavan at the end of his tenure, every staff member went and met him and paid their respects. Mr. Nair went to him alone as his wife couldn’t as she was confined to bed due to fracture. Upon noticing her absence and knowing the reason Dr. Kalam visited his house and chatted with her for some time. The following property was left behind by Dr.A.P.J.Abdul Kalam: 16 doctorates, 1 website, 1 twitter account, 1 email id, 2500 books, 1 Padmashri, 1 Padmabhushan, 1 Bharat Ratna, 1 flat (which he has donated), 6 pants & 4 shirts (DRDO uniforms), 3 suits (1 western, 2 Indian). He didn’t have any Car, jewelry, stocks, TV, AC, land or any bank balance. He had even donated the last 8 years’ pension towards the development of his village. He was a real patriot and true Indian Muslim. We are proud of him.
Our character building efforts continued even through the present 21st century in the country with unique results as records vouch. For example, the city of KAYALAPATTANAM (in Tamil Nadu) with 100% Muslim population goes. There is no Police Station, no cinema and no crime in the city because there had been no crime there for decades.
The present day situation in the country may appear to be disheartening and disappointing for some. The irresponsible attitude towards Muslims by some extremist groups in the country belonging to a certain ideology should be viewed as a momentary period. Their efforts to demoralize, degrade, deny civil rights are synonymous with their declared intentions. A great majority of country-men still believe and practice true Hinduism as had been for centuries in the past. True Hindus do not endorse hatred, support arson and distrust.
A long history of peaceful co-existence of Muslims and Hindus for centuries with mutual respect, rejoicing specially the occasion of festivals and long socio-economic ties in every nook and corner of the country is its evidence.
Our country has been an example of ‘Unity in diversity’ for the world for a long time. Nobody from either community can imagine a survival without another. The bond has been and will surely be strong as Steel. The ever increasing social evils like Corruption, nepotism, frauds, woman-bashing and vandalism like termites in the country have made the life of common man miserable.
Decline in the values like increased greediness, and wide spread of dishonesty, revenge, vindictiveness, and non-adherence to law need to be challenged and controlled. The ‘PLEDGE’ we used to read in our text books once in first page is long missing both from the book and in practice.
We the Indian Muslims, whether a common man, clergy, intellectual, and technocrat, worker or even those with any political group should realize that notwithstanding the company or area, we have a responsibility towards the country and duty-bound to work for our own community. We need to understand todays challenging scenario and strengthen its unity. We are the inheritors of a great legacy, and not followers of the ilk of this day. We Muslims should remember that we are ordained by the Almighty Allah to be united, behold his Commands; make efforts to spread virtuous deed and work eradicate evils. The entire country is looking forward for the honest.
As the phrase rightly goes, ‘Service to humanity is service to God’. Our population in the country according to 2011 census stands at about 200 million which constitutes 15%. We need to contain our extravagant life-style especially in matters of functions and festivals.
We should stop depending on politicians, their promises and focus on a self, collective effort. We need to move forward together in the fields of education, employment opportunities generating plans through mutual cooperation. For this purpose and as in the days of our Prophet, we should make our area Masjid a center for gathering, deliberation, planning, guidance and service as per law.Experts and experienced in relevant fields can be roped in for the purpose and the available resources can be put to work.
سبق پڑھ پھر صداقت کا، شجاعت کا، عدالت کا۔۔
لیا جائیگا تجھ سے کام، دنیا کی امامت کا۔۔
source: http://www.muslimmirror.com / Muslim Mirror / Home> Indian Muslim / by Syed Ilyas Basha / October 03rd, 2023