Category Archives: Freedom Fighters (under research project)

Revolutionary heroes

November 11, 2018Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Karnataka (under research project), Leaders, World OpinionGeorge Washington'Haider Ali of North America', Haider Ali, Haider Ali of North America, Hyder-Ally, Poem on Haider Ali by Philip Frenau, Ship by name 'Hyder-Ally', Sultan of Mysore, Tipu Sultanmpositiveone@gmail.com

MYSORE :

Tipu Sultan, son of Haider Ali, on an elephant in a detail from 'The Battle of Pollilur', 1780, a mural at Daria Daulat Palace, Seringapatam. Photo by Bridgeman Iages — Tipu Sultan, son of Haider Ali, on an elephant in a detail from ‘The Battle of Pollilur’, 1780, a mural at Daria Daulat Palace, Seringapatam. Photo by Bridgeman Iages

If the sultan of Mysore had had a bit more luck, George Washington might be known as the Haider Ali of North America

If the sultan of Mysore had had a bit more luck, George Washington might be known as the Haider Ali of North America. As the ruler of Mysore, a kingdom in what is now southwestern India, Haider fought a series of wars with Great Britain in the latter half of the 18th century, at the onset of the Age of Revolution. While Haider was fighting his last battles against the British, Washington was leading the forces of the nascent United States from the harsh winter at Valley Forge to the final victory at Yorktown.

The circumstances of Haider’s childhood did not seem to mark the young man out for greatness. Born around 1720, Haider soon lost his father, a mercenary officer who died on campaign. Haider followed his father’s path, becoming an officer for the Wodeyar dynasty that ruled Mysore. After many years of service, he grew indispensable to the ruling family, sidelining it entirely by the 1760s. It was a dangerous time to come to power in South Asia. The British East India Company was expanding its power throughout the Subcontinent, at the expense of rulers from Bengal in the east to Haider’s neighbours in the south. Allied with France, however, Haider held off the British advance for another two decades, dying in 1782, just a year before the US triumphed in its own rebellion against Britain.

Haider and Washington never communicated directly with one another, but they fought against a common enemy, and shared a common ally. Like the Mysoreans, the American rebels were members of a global coalition funded by the French government, which saw both uprisings as a chance to humble Britain. In the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763), Britain had ended nearly a century of conflict with its imperial rival in North America by seizing France’s vast territories in Canada and the Mississippi River Valley. Some French observers tried to minimise the extent of the defeat. Voltaire dismissed loss of North America as ‘a few acres of snow’. Yet French policymakers were well aware that Britain had greatly increased its power. Too weak to confront it again on its own, the French government wove a network of alliances, playing on resentments against Britain’s growing control of global trade and rapidly expanding empire. Beginning in the mid-1770s, it sent money and military advisors to both Mysore and the US, aiming to avenge its defeat by stoking colonial rebellions against Britain.

The alliance with France proved critical to the survival of the fledgling US. The memory of French aid, and particularly of the dashing Marquis de Lafayette’s assistance to Washington, has for more than two centuries served as a symbolic origins story of close Franco-American relations. During the Revolutionary War, however, Americans saw themselves not just as allies of France, but as part of a coalition that included Mysore.

Even after the US made peace with Britain in 1783, the American fascination with Haider and his son and successor, Tipu Sultan (1750-1799) lived on. Mysore’s rulers became familiar references in American newspapers, poems and everyday conversation. Yet, within a generation, Americans lost their sense of solidarity with the Indian Subcontinent. Mysore remained under British control, written out of the story of the American Revolution. The US turned its attention to the interior of North America, and to becoming an imperial power in its own right.

Even before the Revolutionary War, American interest in South Asia was lively. In fact, Americans’ rebellion against Britain in part grew out of the connections between America and the Subcontinent. Before the 1770s, Americans were cheerleaders, rather than critics, of British imperialism. The Philadelphia-born poet Nathaniel Evans (1742-1767) commemorated the victory of the East India Company at the Battle of Plassey in 1757, in which Robert Clive had seized control of Bengal:

The world to British valour yields
How has bold Clive, with martial toil
O’er India born his conqu’ring lance?

Sharing in Britain’s glory in this way seemed natural to Americans, who were proud to be part of the British Empire. The East India Company’s growing influence in Bengal enabled it to export large quantities of South Asian goods, particularly textiles, to American ports such as Boston and Charleston. Colonial elites displayed them in their homes with pride, signs that they were part of a global British empire growing rich from the spoils of the Subcontinent.

While Americans were free to purchase these imperial commodities, they were not free to join British merchants in South Asia. Britain’s colonies served to provide the motherland with raw materials. They were not supposed to have direct economic relations with each other, but rather to send their exports to the great trading centre of London. New England merchants in particular resented being pushed to the side of the mercantile system. Following military victories by the East India Company in South Asia, the company’s economic power within the British Empire, including North America, grew even greater, and so too did New England merchants’ resentment.

In 1773, the British government issued the Tea Act, a bill in effect subsidising the East India Company so it could sell tea to North America more cheaply than any other company. The Tea Act was meant to save the Company’s struggling finances, which were sinking under the cost of its expensive wars. By allowing the Company to sell its tea without paying the heavy taxes normally due on tea exports to the colonies, British officials thought they could help the Company while also keeping Americans happy. Because of the taxes levied on it, tea was expensive in the colonies, and tea-loving New Englanders often resorted to buying theirs on the black market. If the Company no longer had to pay these taxes, it could pass the savings on to thirsty American consumers.

Seeing themselves as victims of Britain’s imperial oppression, Americans sympathised with the empire’s other victims: South Asians

The colonists, however, did not respond as the British expected. By granting the East India Company an exemption from the tax, Parliament had confirmed that the tax on tea, passed without Americans’ consent, was there to stay for all other merchants. And the smugglers that the British government hoped to cut out of the tea business were influential members of New England society. On 16 December 1773, economic self-interest combined with principled opposition to taxation inspired a group of protestors to attack a Company shipment of tea, dumping its contents into the ocean.

The Boston Tea Party marked Americans’ growing opposition to British rule, and the beginning of a new perspective on South Asia. The British government retaliated by stripping Massachusetts of its right to self-government. Outraged colonists met in 1774 to form the First Continental Congress. The following year, armed conflict between colonial militias and British soldiers broke out at Lexington and Concord, and the American Revolution was underway. Americans started to see themselves as victims of Britain’s imperial oppression. They were soon sympathising with the empire’s other victims, particularly South Asians.

The American revolt against Britain quickly took on international dimensions. In 1776, the Continental Congress declared independence, transforming the former British colonies into the United States of America. American agents were soon busy seeking international recognition and goodwill from countries including Morocco, the Netherlands and, most importantly, France, Britain’s imperial rival. Within a year, the French government began sending aid to the fledgling US. A year later, in 1778, France and the US officially became allies.

The Continental Congress recognised that it was not France’s only partner against Britain, and looked for ways to cooperate with Mysore, France’s South Asian ally. In 1777, on the advice of Thomas Conway, an Irish-born French military advisor, the American patriots contemplated sending troops to join the French military expedition to the Subcontinent. The provisional American government lacked the resources for such a scheme, so instead it encouraged American privateers to attack the East India Company’s shipping to weaken Britain’s economic grasp on South Asia.

Different state governments also made friendly gestures toward Mysore. In 1781, the Pennsylvania legislature commissioned a warship named theHyder-Ally, an eccentrically spelled tribute to the Sultan of Mysore. This ship sailed the North Atlantic only, far from the Indian Ocean. Its existence, however, demonstrated the affinity American elites felt for Mysore’s cause. Philip Freneau, an ally of Thomas Jefferson and one of the country’s leading poets, wrote a poem in honour of the Hyder-Ally and its namesake, the sultan of Mysore:

From an Eastern prince she takes her name,
Who, smit with freedom’s sacred flame
Usurping Britons brought to shame,
His country’s wrongs avenging.

Clearly, nothing prevented these 18th-century Americans from seeing faraway Asian peoples as exemplars of liberty.

Despite Freneau’s optimistic vision, freedom’s sacred flame did not save South Asia. By the early 1780s, it was becoming clear that Britain would lose the war. Many Americans happily imagined a post-war world in which the East India Company would no longer be a significant force. Britain, however, managed to hold on to its territory in the Subcontinent, resisting the combined forces of Mysore and France.

France’s military support for Mysore and the US helped drive it into crippling debt and push French society toward its own, more radical revolution. Meanwhile, Britain’s finances survived the conflict intact, allowing it to continue an aggressive policy in the Subcontinent after 1783. The cash-strapped French, however, could maintain only a token military presence in the region. The situation left Mysore’s new ruler, Tipu Sultan, to his own devices. He resisted mounting pressure from the British for nearly two decades, succumbing only in 1799. He died beneath the walls of his citadel as he fought a last-ditch battle against the East India Company.

The American government adjusted to the new realities of South Asian politics. New England merchants eagerly sought to trade directly with the Subcontinent. In the first years after the end of the Revolutionary War, they relied on the French colony of Pondicherry on the southeastern coast of the Subcontinent as a port. They soon realised however that they could not enter the region’s most lucrative markets without the permission of the British East India Company. They lobbied for the establishment of American consulates to foster goodwill for American interests. Responding to their pressure, the US government created its first consulate in South Asia in 1792, in Calcutta. Two years later, in Madras, they added another. American consuls in the region were responsible only for relations with the Company. They had no contacts with independent South Asian states such as Mysore, which the American government, like the French, left to fend for itself.

Only recently an enemy of the British empire, America had won independence and become Britain’s junior partner in empire

On a state level, American interest in Mysore disappeared. But many Americans remained fascinated by Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan. When Tipu sent a team of ambassadors to Paris in 1788, in an unsuccessful attempt to restore the Franco-Mysorean alliance, Jefferson, then the American minister to France, reported on the event with keen interest. Like Jefferson, a wide range of Americans were eager to learn more about Mysore. American newspapers of the 1780s and ’90s reported on the country’s desperate struggle with Britain. American textbooks, including Jedidiah Morse’s influential The American Universal Geography (1793), included sections on Mysore. Haider and Tipu seem to have approached the status of household names. In Williams vs Cabarrus (1793), a lawsuit brought before a circuit court in North Carolina, the two parties disputed a wager made on a horse race. One of the horses was named ‘Hyder Ali’ in tribute to Mysore’s former ruler.

Even in the wake of Tipu’s final defeat, in 1799, his struggle for an independent Mysore continued to echo in the imagination of Americans. In his sermon on 4 July 1800, John Russell, a Baptist minister in Providence, warned his audience about the dangers of British imperialism. While many Americans, such as Alexander Hamilton, advocated for closer ties to Britain, Russell insisted that Britain could not be trusted. The ultimate example of British injustice, he argued, was its conquest of Mysore. Deeply moved by what he saw as Tipu’s heroic resistance, Russell told his congregation of Tipu’s death at the hands of British soldiers: ‘here the full heart must have vent… [Tipu Sultan] defended his power with a spirit which showed he deserved it. His death was worthy of a king.’

For Russell, Tipu’s end ought to warn America about the mortal dangers of empire. By the early 19th century, however, America had embarked on its own imperial project. American missionaries fanned out across North America, travelled to the Levant, and poured into South Asia, writing glowing reports back home on the work that the British were doing to ‘civilise’ the world, including the Subcontinent. Only recently an enemy of the British empire, America had won independence and become Britain’s junior partner in empire.

American diplomats, merchants and missionaries in South Asia accepted Britain’s empire in South Asia, working alongside it to profit from local trade or proselytise to potential converts. Over the following decades, foreign policy officials, commercial interests and religious groups pushed for the US to acquire a colonial empire of its own. Just like the British empire Americans had once rebelled against, the US became an imperial power, with colonies stretching from Puerto Rico and Guantánamo in the Caribbean to the Philippines in the Pacific.

Today, with military bases in more than 70 countries across the globe, the US remains an empire. Yet, the generation of Americans who fought for independence from Britain and laid the foundations of America’s identity saw the US as an anti-imperial cause and nation. The founding generation and the children of the founders were fascinated with Mysore and its leaders because they thought Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan embodied American values of resistance to empire and aspiration to freedom. If later generations of Americans had continued to see Haider and Tipu as heroes, had continued to identify with underdogs and anti-imperial causes, then the US, and indeed the world, might look quite different today.

source: http://www.aeon.com / Aeon / Home> Essays / by Blake Smith / Edited by Sam Haselby / December 07th, 2016

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Blake Smith is a postdoctoral fellow at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. His research, focusing on the French East India Company, has appeared in scholarly journals such as French Cultural Studies and the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, as well as popular media such as The Wire and The Appendix.

The graves unseen by History: The Malabar Struggle and the stories we chose to forget

November 10, 2018Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, World Opinionmpositiveone@gmail.com

KERALA :

This is the first in the two-part series on the much-forgotten Malabar Struggle and stories of ghastly violence committed by the British in the region around 1921. I Sameel, the author of this article, also looks at why and how such incidents were ‘left out’ or/and ignored by our mainstream historians. This article was originally published by Madhyamam Weekly on October 8, 2018. The article has been translated from Malayalam by Najiya O of TwoCircles.net.

The Malabar Struggle is a critical time space in the Indian freedom struggle. The different angles of viewing the struggle are evident in the terms of Mappila Rebellion and Malabar Revolt etc. The Malabar Struggle has been significant in influencing the creation of the ‘common’ conscience of ‘modern Kerala’, determining the path of the Indian nationality and the formation of the social identity of Malabar, according to EV Ramakrishnan in Malabarine Kandethal: Padanam, Malabar Desheeyathayude Idapadukal (DC Books, 2008). However, the Malabar Struggle still remains a critical timespace in the history by the different ‘looks’ mentioned above.

The official statements regarding the Indian freedom struggle either kept silent on the popular protests related to Malabar or mentioned them only casually. There are no evidences for even the Wagon Tragedy, which received a bit more public visibility compared to other incidents related to the Malabar Struggle, to have deeply touched the conscience of Malayalis (EV Ramakrishnan – Page 13). Questions are arising as to why the incidents that led Malabar to a battlefield for nearly a century did not receive the deserving relevance in the historical conscience of Malayali. Even the Wagon Massacre (named as Tragedy in history) gained visibility only through the popular cultural media, including the cinema. As MT Ansari points out in ‘Malabar: Desheeyathayude Idapadukal’ (DC Books, 2008) “Only the Wagon Tragedy of November 20, 1921, can be seen in the nationalist history lessons. As if all the other incidents, whether of Muslims or Hindus, insult us. However, we do not conceal the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of April 19, 1919 (379 people were killed on the orders of General Dyer, according to official records) and the Chauri Chaura incident in which angry peasants burnt alive 23 policemen on February 5, 1922. Compared to the Malabar Revolt (2,337 people killed, 1,652 injured and 45,404 imprisoned in the Malabar Revolt as per official records – and according to unofficial records, 10,000 were killed, 50,000 imprisoned, 20,000 exiled and 10,000 found missing), other incidents are limited in extensiveness.”

Just like the Malabar Revolution was ignored by the national historical studies, it can also be seen that some significant incidents in it were ignored or only casually mentioned even in the special studies related to it. Important among them is the massacre by the British at Melmuri-Adhikarithodi in Malappuram. This incident comes second only to the bloody Pookkottur battle in the number of people killed among the various incidents in the Malabar Rebellion. While more than 350 people lost their lives at the Battle of Pookkottur, the massacre at Melmuri-Adhikarithodi took the lives of 246 people on October 25, 1921. People including women, children, aged and sick people were forced out of their houses, lined up and shot dead by the Dorset Regiment, an infantry regiment of the British army. However, it has not found a place in the public history. Some incidents including the Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre have been totally neglected from the general readings about the violence of the colonial government and massacres that took place in Kerala. And hence, more detailed studies should be carried out about the massacres that took place in Kerala, especially Malabar, during the colonial rule.

Massacres: the seen and unseen

It can be seen clearly that the Punnapra-Vayalar struggle (a communist uprising in the princely state of Travancore, British India, against Prime Minister, C. P. Ramaswami Iyer and the state in which around 1,000 people were allegedly killed) has got much importance in the public readings and history in the studies related to the massacres in Kerala. Though the massacres in the Malabar Revolution including the Pookkottur Battle have been exceptional considering the nature of the struggle and power of the enemy etc when compared to the Punnapra-Vayalar struggle, they are given only lesser attention in the public readings.

The Punnapra-Vayalar incident as such is considered a central theme in the history of struggles in Kerala. But such a position is not given to the Mappila struggles in Malabar in which thousands of people have died. The Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre has not become a central theme for even the studies about the Malabar Struggle.

There have been studies on whether the massacres related to the Malabar Revolution were part of the national history or not; but even those studies have not probed into the government terror involved. Such a probe would be possible only through the historiography centred on these massacres. This article is an effort to discover the material causes and archives from the memory of people and historical remnants of this region for such a historiography. And this effort is relevant as the historical narration of the Malabar Struggle should go beyond the colonial records of RH Hitchcock, GRF Tottenham, CT Atkinson and Divan Bahadur C Gopalan Nair as well as the studies carried out by Dr M Gangadharan and Dr KN Panicker.

The second biggest massacre

“Large gang reported last night 4 miles north-west Malappuram. Operations undertaken against them by Dorsets, Artillery and armoured cars. Enemy met in jungle west of Melmuri opposing our troops there and in the houses, refusing to come out when ordered to surrender and offering continued and determined opposition resulting in 246 rebel casualties.” This was the content of a Telegram [No.S 250/453/G] sent by the General Commanding Officer of Malabar to the Madras Government on October 25, 1921. (GRF Tottenham – ‘The Mappila Rebellion 1921-1922’, Madras Government Press, 1922)

Innocent women and children along with old and sick people were forced out of their houses and shot dead, houses looted and set on fire by the British army’s Dorset Regiment. This took place in the places named Konompara, Adhikarithodi, Melmuri Muttippadi and Valiyattappadi, in a 1.5 kilometre circumference on the Kozhikode-Palakkad national highway, which is 3 kilometres from Malappuram town. This is the Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre that took place on October 25, 1921. The soldiers in the companies A and D in the second battalion, Dorset Regiment, reached Konompara in armoured vehicles with cannons under the leadership of Lieutenants Hevic and Goff in the morning and massacred 246 people.

Cannon balls were fired in the beginning with a big sound, said Nambankunnan Moideen of Melmuri Valiyattappadi who was born 10 years after the incident. The frightened people hid in their homes. Then the army entered each and every house and forced everybody out. Those who refused to get out of their houses were forced out by hitting and torturing with the stock and bayonet of guns. Wooden storage boxes named ‘mancha’ and ‘pathayam’ were broken and the contents looted. Books including the Qur’an, Sabeenappattu (Arabic songs praising prophet Muhammed), baiths (Arabic songs), padappaattu (war songs) etc were piled up in the yard and set ablaze, and then the houses roofed by palm leaves and grass were set on fire. Then all the men were lined up and shot dead one by one. Those who tried to prevent, including women and children, were also shot dead. The operation which began in the morning came to an end by the long siren of the Army Commandant around noon. The army was aiming the gun at Chalattil Kalladithodi Moideenkutty Haji on a sideway at Konompara when the long whistle blew and they let him free, said PT Muhammed Master who was four years old at the time and died recently. (Nisar Kaderi – ‘Pookkottur Yuddhavum Melmuri Operationum’, ‘1921 Churul Nivaranam’ – Pookkottur Yuddha Smaraka Samithi Souvenir, 2007)

Hundreds of people were killed in the orchards and courtyards, and about 100 houses were set ablaze in the operation of a few hours. Some remained in a critical situation as good as dead after having been shot. There were some others who lay abandoned for about four days and then died as there was nobody to take care of them. The martyrs were buried in the places they lay dead.

The graves in the courtyards

Though most of the studies on the freedom struggle and the Malabar struggle kept silent on this massacre, the graves played an important role in keeping the incident alive in the memories of the region and the generations that followed. Those who were shot dead in the courtyards in front of the houses were buried there itself. The burial was completed by the people who came from nearby places on the request of Kunjithangal of Malappuram Valiyangadi, the president of the Malappuram Khilafat Committee.

Many people have been buried in a single grave. Many were buried in the dead of the night out of fear of the army. While some were buried in the laterite stone quarries (Kalluvettukuzhi) near the houses, in some places women alone dug graves and buried the dead. Women had to do the burials, which is the duty of the men according to the Islamic belief, as all the men in the locality had fled fearing the army. One of the graves dug by women, which is only 2 feet in depth, is still there. Now we have information about only 40 people buried in nine graves out of the 246 martyred.

Daughters shot dead for their fathers

Most of the cruelties done to women, children and the aged by the British army during the Malabar Revolution haven’t been included in the public historical narratives. What the women, children and the aged experienced at the Melmuri-Adhikarithodi incident were cruelties violating the common norms to be followed even during war time. Among the graves are those of two daughters who were killed while trying to prevent the army taking away their fathers.

One of them is an 11-year old from the Keedakkadan family at Adhikarithodi. She was beaten by gunstock when she tried to prevent the British from taking away her father from their house, holding him tight. When they couldn’t take her apart from the father even after several attempts, the army killed both of them together. It is said that they were visiting the girl’s mother’s house.

The other one is Kadiyamu, daughter of Areeppuram Parakkal Kunjeen Haji of Konompara Cheeranganthodi. Kadiyamu had come from her husband’s house to take care of her sick and aged father. The army tried to push her off too with gunstock when she tried to prevent them dragging off her aged father who was lying on the big wooden storage container (pathayam). At last, Kunjeen Haji was forcefully taken off to the eastern yard of the house and laid on his front on the ground. Kadiyamu lay on her father to prevent him from getting shot. Finally, both were shot dead. Our pages of history couldn’t document these two brave daughters. And this can be read as evidence for the selected silence of the public mind towards Mappila history and Mappila woman.

While the common historical narrations kept silent about the Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre, this history was documented at least to some extent by the Qissappattu, a type of songs popular among the Malabar Muslims earlier. One of them is the work of Yogyan Hamsa Master, a Qissappattu expert. This is found in the ‘Abdurahman Qissappattu’ which he wrote about freedom fighter Muhammed Abdurahman Sahib:

“Lahalakkaar Melmuri parisaramil undarivaal

Lahika padayalar vanna aayudhamaale – avaril

Shatham mail aavaasethum balliya thokkum

Shakthamerum peerankiyum bayanettum bombum

Shabdamilla thuppaakkiyal vedivech chirichum

Lakkum lagaanumilla nattare vadhichum.” (Yogyan Hamsa Master – Page 51)

(*The army came to Melmuri with weapons including cannons, guns and bombs, learning of the presence of mutineers, and laughed and killed people with silenced guns without any heed)

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PART : TWO (2)

The graves unseen by History: The Malabar Struggle and the history of the silent

This is the second in the two-part series on the much-forgotten Malabar Struggle and stories of ghastly violence committed by the British in the region around 1921. I Sameel, the author of this article, also looks at why and how such incidents were ‘left out’ or/and ignored by our mainstream historians. This article was originally published by Madhyamam Weekly on October 8, 2018.

The nine graves

Eleven people have been buried in the grave dug in the yard of Areeppuram Parakkal Koyakkutty Haji’s house at Adhikarithodi Vattapparamb. His grandfather Areeppuram Parakkal Ahmedkutty Haji, his brother Moideenkutty Haji, Kuttirayeen, Marakkar and Konkayan Alavi, along with a man and his daughter from the Keedakkadan family are buried her daughter is the 11-year old girl mentioned above.

Ahmed Kutty Haji’s daughter Ayisha was only four years old at the time, and she had detailed the incident to her son Yogyan Hamsa Master, who is a well-known Qissappattu writer and singer. Ayisha died last year at the age of 102. When all the members of the house had been forced out and the house set on fire, the women and children moved to the banana plantation nearby. It was then that the men were killed using rifles with less sound.

Ahmed Kutty Haji’s neighbor and friend Konkayan Alavi was also caught along with them and shot dead, said the latter’s son Alavi’s son Alavi. One each in four generations of this family is named Alavi out of respect for Mampuram Syed Alavi Thangal, an Islamic scholar from Yemen who settled in Mampuram, now in Malappuram district. People used to frequent him for spiritual, religious and social advice. He was known for his anti-British stand in the 19th century. His tomb at Mampuram is considered an important pilgrimage site in Kerala.

Mats were laid out in the laterite stone quarry in the yard of the house and all the dead bodies were kept on them and buried.

2. The dead bodies of five members in the Kappoor family have been buried in the grave dug in the plot behind the GMUP (Government Mappila Upper Primary) School at Adhikarithodi. Kappoor Mundasseri Yusuf, his son Pokker, Kappoor Moosam, Ayamutti and Mammudu were buried here. None of the direct descendants of the dead live in the place now.

3. Six people were buried in the grave dug near the house of Nanath Kuruvayil Hamsa. Those buried include Hamsa’s paternal grandfather Nanath Kuruvayil Moidu, his brother Kunjimarakkar and Madambi Kunhimuhammed.

Nanath Kuruvayil Moidu was caught when sitting in his house reading the Qur’an with the belief that ‘they needn’t worry as they hadn’t been involved in anything’. When Moidu was caught by the army, his 14-year-old son Muhammed protested holding on to his father’s hand but was pushed away, said the latter’s eldest son Moidu (82). Before leaving, the army also set fire to the roof of the old house, which had been there in the place of Hamsa’s house.

The Thiyya (a lower caste, now in the Other Backward Class category) family of Karattuparamban, who were their neighbours, was the first to help in the shocking time, said Moidu. The Thiyya family, that had to witness everything helplessly, hurried to put down the fire on the roof as soon as the army left. This can be seen as a small example of which side the lower classes including the Ezhavas (a lower caste, now in the OBC category) and Muslims supported in the Malabar Struggle.

4. Five people have been buried in the grave dug behind the house of Mullappalli Ummer at Kannanthodu in Adhikarithodi Aakkaparamb. Those buried here include Athimannil Mammootty and one from the Vallikkadan family. Mammootty’s son Kunhimuhammed was dressed up as a girl to save him from the army, said his son Moideen (72). Everybody was forced out and houses were set fire. All the dead bodies were buried in laterite stone quarries.

5. Four people have been buried in the grave dug near the ancestral house of Areeppuram Parakkal Zakariya at Konompara Cheeranganthodi. They are Areeppuram Parakkal Kunjeen Haji, his son Ayamu, daughter Kadiyamu and son-in-law Nanath Innyali. A sick Kunjeen Haji had asked his family to take him to a sideway which the British may not notice. But the family expected the army to let him free as he was sick, said Fathima, granddaughter of Ayamu. Ayamu’s son Vappu Haji (who was 14 years old then) and friend Nanath Kunjalavi Haji were dressed up as girls and kept along with the women to save from the army’s cruelty.

A person from the Vallikkadan family lay seriously injured for four days some distance away. Bappu Haji, who was a boy then, gave him water to drink. But all the water he drank came out through his large intestine. Having nobody to treat, he died there on the fourth day and was buried at the same place. As time passed, his grave is no more there.

6. Two persons from the Narippatta Kappoor family have been buried in the grave behind the marketplace at Konompara. Narippatta Kappoor Ahmed and his son Pokker were shot dead. Seeing the army set fire to their house, they both ran off and hid behind a heap of dried leaves from where they were shot. They were buried there itself. Another son of Ahmed named Kunjalavi was caught by the army and exiled to the Andaman Islands. Ahmed’s grandson Alavi (son of Moideenkutty) lives here with his family now.

7. One person has been buried in the grave in the courtyard of Nambankunnan Muhammedali at Melmuri Valiyattappadi – his great grandfather Alavi. The army caught him when he was peeping out through the tiny window saying nobody would take him away as he was very old. When he was sure to be shot, he took ablution and stood facing the qibla (direction of the Holy Ka’aba in Makkah), said his nephew Moideen (87). He recalled that in his childhood there were many coconut palms without head as the top portions had been blown off due to the cannon firing of the army. Alavi’s deadbody was buried by the women of the house at night, and the grave is only two feet in depth.

8. Two persons from the Kappoor family were buried in the grave in the courtyard of Kappoor Usman’s house; they were Kappoor Itheerumma’s father’s brother and grandfather. Itheerumma who had no children died recently. They are also the brother and son of Ismail aka Ithelu, grandfather of Kappoor Usman. Ithelu was caught by the army and jailed at Rajamundhri in Andhra Pradesh where he died. The army had set fire to their ancestral house nearby. Usman’s father Muhammed Haji recalled getting bullets from the wall when the house, which had been partially burnt, was brought down recently.

9. Four people have been buried in the grave dug near the house of Madambi Ubaid, behind the Central Lower Primary School at Melmuri Muttippadi – Madambi Kunjaramu, Madambi Mammunni, Kaderi Moosa Haji and Cherkkadan Moideen. They were shot dead at the verandah of the ancestral house of the Madambis nearby. This house too carried the traces of bullets penetrating the wall till recently when it was repaired. Kaderi Moosa Haji’s son Mammudu Haji bought this piece of land and donated as Waqf to the masjid at Alathoorpadi nearby in the name of his mother Iyyathukutty Hajjumma, so as not to lose the land, informed writer Umar Melmuri, a descendant of the family.

Some people from the Perumkollan caste had accepted Islam and lived at Vaishyarthodi near Thattanthodi. Three among their later generations were shot dead by the army, and their house set on fire. They were then buried near the well of their house, and the grave was not well protected, said PT Muhammed Master of Alathoorpadi.

Goals of the British homicide

The reason for the British to target Melmuri and Adhikarithodi specifically is the influence that Ali Musliyar, leader of the Malabar Struggle, had in the region. Ali Musliyar had run his Dars (religious education centre) in the mosque at Melmuri Podiyad Parammal and later in the mosque at Melmuri Alathoorpadi. He was there for three years, and so quite naturally, had a considerable number of disciples in the area. Palakkamthodi Aboobaker Musliyar, Congress Khilafat leader in the Kozhikode taluka who was an important personality in the Malabar Struggle, was his disciple at the Dars at Podiyad. (AK Kodoor – Page No 98). Many leaders of the Malabar Struggle were young scholars who were the disciples of Ali Musliyar.

Besides Ali Musliyar, another leader of the Malabar Struggle Variyankunnath Kunhahammed Haji had secretly visited Melmuri several times when he was absconding. Madambi Muhammed of Thathiyil house recalled his father as saying Kunhahammed Haji had come to their house one midnight and asked for rice porridge, but could give him only rice-water with grated coconut as there was no rice porridge. (Nisar Kaderi – Page No 23)

The Battle of Pookkottur was another reason that prompted the British to attack this region. The Battle was fought by the Mappilas against the armed forces of the Leinster Regiment (an infantry wing of the British Army) and the Special Police Force on August 26, 1921, which fell on a Friday. It had a significant role in setting ablaze the Malabar Struggle. Though the Mappilas tasted huge manpower loss in the battle, the British government saw it very seriously as the Mappilas got ready to fight the best army in the world without the support of any other army or government. The planning and organization of the ‘Pookkottur gang’, which had earlier served in the British Indian army and then took part in the Malabar Struggle, had made things grave at a point, according to the note given to the Madras Government by the District Magistrate FB Evans. (Tottenham – Page No 48) The Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre was a part of the military action carried out at Kondotty, Manjeri, Areekod and Malappuram between October 20 and November 10, 1921, in order to catch hold of the Pookkottur gang and its supporters. (Tottenham – Page No 40)

Though carried out in the name of eliminating the Pookkottur gang, the real aim of the massacre was terrifying the common Mappilas who were not directly part of the Struggle. Those including Nanath Kuruvayil Moidu who was massacred had believed that the army wouldn’t attack them as they had not taken part in the struggle. By killing them, the army sent a clear message to the Mappilas to either be a British-supporter or face death.

Even the British records admit that those massacred were innocent. A concise explanation of the Malabar Struggle by the Under Secretary of the Madras Government says: “… and on October 25th the Dorsets had killed 246 Mappilas in the Melmuri area. Not all of these probably were active rebels, and the encounter seems to have had a considerable moral effect, for shortly afterwards petitions began to be received from amsams (administrative partition of village in Kerala) in the neighbourhood of Malappuram offering submission.” (Tottenham – Page No 39) Hitchcock also records that the Dorsets entered each and every house to catch hold of the Mappilas. The Malappuram Qazi had informed that around a thousand people including women and children from different amsams would be ready to surrender if they got the protection of the British Government, says the letter sent by Evans to Madras on November 2. (Tottenham – Page No 257)

The history of the silent and the silence of history

The silence of the thousands of slaves drowned deep in the Atlantic Ocean on their voyage is louder than the voice of the slaves who were taken from Africa to America crossing the Atlantic, observes Afro-American writer Saidiya Hartman in her first book ‘Scenes of Subjection’. She says that the unheard voices of the thousands of slaves drowned in the sea should have been the archives instead of the available and oral historical remnants. In a way this points towards the crisis of archives.

Using the hypothesis of ‘the silence of archives’ put forward by Ms Hartman to learn the Melmuri-Adhikarithodi massacre, the question remains as to what tools our history owns to record the 200 people without any remnants, beyond the graves of the available 40 people. Is a historiography still possible to acknowledge their silence? Those who have drowned in history thus without any address remind us that the crisis of history is not its voices but its silence. If the Malabar Struggle is the silence in our national history, these graves are the silence inside that silence. This important part in the Malabar Struggle reminds us the importance of probing into the history of those not present too, beyond the written, oral and data/artifact histories.

source: http://www.twocircles.net / TwoCircles.net / Home> Historical Facts> Indian Muslim> Lead Story / Originally printed in Madhyamam Weekly on October 08th 2018 (translated by Najiya. O of TwoCirlcles.net) November 05th, 2018 / The 2nd Part on November 06th, 2018

How Bahadur Shah Zafar’s daughter had to flee from Delhi after he lost his empire

November 1, 2018Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, World OpinionAbu Zafar Bahadur Shah, Bahadur Shah Zafar, Book 'Begamat Ke Aansu : Tears of the Begums' by Khwaja Hasan Nizami, Book 'City of My Heart: Accounts of Love, Hafiza Sultan, Kale Miyan Saheb Chisti Nizami Fakhri, Khwaja Hasan Nizami, Kulsum Zamani Begum, Loss and Betrayal in the Nineteenth-Century Delhi', Mir Faiz Ali, Mir Faiz Ali - Shahi Hakim, Mirza Umar Sultan, Mirza Ziauddin, Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar, Nur Mahal, Nur Mahal Saheba, Rana Safvi, Rana Safvi - Author, Rana Safvi - Historian, Shah-e-Hind, Urud Book 'Begama Ke Aansu -Tears of the Begums', Zainab Zamani Begummpositiveone@gmail.com

INDIA :

A translation of one of the many stories collected by Khwaja Hasan Nizami about the survivors of the Mughal emperor’s family.

Khwaja Hasan Nizami wrote numerous books on the events that unfolded in 1857, all based on eyewitness accounts of the survivors. Begamat ke Aansu: Tears of the Begums are stories collected by Khwaja Hasan Nizami from the survivors of the Mughal family after the fall of Delhi in September 1857, when they had to flee from the Red Fort. Begamat ke Aansu was originally published in 1922 and has been reprinted many times since. This story is one of the accounts from Begamat ke Aansu. It describes Kulsum Zamani Begum’s escape from the Red Fort.

This is the true story of a female dervish who suffered through the travails of life. Her name was Kulsum Zamani Begum, and she was the pampered daughter of Delhi’s last emperor, Abu Zafar Bahadur Shah. Although she died a few years ago, I have heard her story from her own mouth many times. She was a sincere devotee of Mehboob-e-Ilahi Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya and was so attached to his dargah that she would often come there. I would talk to her there and listen to her tragic tale. Whatever I have written down has been told to me either by her or her daughter, Zainab Zamani Begum, who is still alive and lives in Pandit ka Kucha.

Her story is narrated below in her own words:

“The night my Babajan lost his empire and the end was near, there was a tumult in Lal Qila. The very walls seemed to be weeping.

“The pearly white marble palaces had been blackened by soot from the gunfire and cannon shots in the past four months. No one had eaten for a day and a half. Zainab, my daughter, was a year-and-a-half old and crying for milk. Neither I nor any of the foster mothers were lactating because of the hunger and trouble all around us. We sat disconsolately when Hazrat Zill-e-Subhani’s special khwaja sara came to call us. It was midnight and the pin-drop silence was broken by intermittent cannon shots. We were terrified, but since Zill-e-Subhani had called us, we immediately left our palace and presented ourselves before him.

“Huzur sat on his prayer mat with a rosary in his hands. I stood before him and presented three salutations. Huzur called me close to him with great affection and said, ‘Kulsum, I entrust you to the care of Khuda. If fate permits, we will meet again. Go away immediately with your husband. I am also leaving. I don’t want to separate myself from my beloved children at this stage, but I don’t want to embroil you in my problems. If you are with me, destruction is certain. Maybe if you are alone, God will open a path of escape for you.’

“He raised his shaking hands in prayer and cried out to Allah, ‘Dear god, I entrust this orphan girl into your care. Brought up in magnificent palaces, they now venture into the wilderness and desolate jungles. They have no friends or protectors. Please protect the honour of these princesses of the Timurid dynasty. Preserve their honour. The entire Hindu and Muslim population of Hindustan are my children and trouble surrounds them all. Don’t let them suffer because of my actions. Give them relief from all troubles.’ With that, he patted my head, embraced Zainab, gave a few jewels to my husband Mirza Ziauddin, and sent us off along with Nur Mahal Saheba, who was Huzur’s begum.

“We left the Qila before dawn. My husband, Mirza Ziauddin, and the Badshah’s brother-in-law, Mirza Umar Sultan, accompanied the three women: myself and two other ladies, Nawab Nur Mahal and Hafiza Sultan, whose daughter was married to one of the emperor’s sons.

“When we climbed into our bullock cart, it was dawn. Only the morning star still twinkled in the sky, and all the other stars had vanished. We cast a last glance at the royal palace. We wept and yearned for what had once been our happy abode. Nawab Nur Mahal’s lashes were laden with tears and the morning star was reflected in them.

“We left the Lal Qila forever and reached Kurali village, where we rested for a while in the house of our cart driver. We were given bajra roti and some buttermilk. We were so hungry that the food tasted better than biryani and mutanjan.

“That night was spent peacefully, but the next day jats and gujjars from nearby areas came to loot Kurali. They were accompanied by hundreds of women who encircled us like witches. They took away all our jewellery and clothes. While these coarse women snatched the jewellery off our necks, we got a whiff of their breath which smelt so foul that we felt nauseous. After this, we didn’t even have enough money to buy ourselves our next meal. We didn’t know what was in store for us now.

“Zainab began to howl with hunger. A zamindar was passing by and I cried out, ‘Bhai, please give some water to this baby.’ The blessed man brought some water in an earthen cup and said, ‘From today, you are my sister and I’m your brother.’

“He was a well-to-do person from Kurali, and his name was Basti. He brought his cart and said he would take us wherever we wanted to go. We asked him to take us to Ijara, where Mir Faiz Ali, who was the shahi hakim and a long association with our family, lived. But when we reached Ijara, Mir Faiz Ali was extremely discourteous and refused to shelter us. ‘I am not going to destroy my house by giving you shelter,’ he told us.

“We were heartbroken and didn’t know what to do. Penniless and homeless, we were scared of the British forces chasing after us. Those who were eager to follow every glance of our eyes and obey even our slightest gestures had now turned away from us.

“And then there was Basti, who didn’t leave our side and fulfilled his covenant of calling me his sister. We left Ijara and set our destination as Hyderabad.”

Kulsum Zamani Begum eventually reached Hyderabad with her family and lived there for some time. For some time her husband made a living by making and selling calligraphic pieces and teaching the Quran but as the British influence spread to Hyderabad and they lived in fear of being arrested they were more or less housebound. Whatever jewellery had escaped loot on the way to Hyderabad had been sold off.

The son of Bahadur Shah Zafar’s spiritual master Kale Miyan Saheb Chisti Nizami Fakhri, heard of their plight and arranged finances for them. They left for Mecca to make the Hajj pilgrimage. Basti, who had stood by them like a rock, was sent home from Bombay with whatever reward they afford for his invaluable services.

“Aboard the ship, whoever heard that we were the Shah-e-Hind’s family was eager to meet us. We were all dressed in the clothes of dervishes. One Hindu, who owned a shop in Aden and had no idea who we were, asked us which sect of fakirs we belonged to. The question inflamed our wounded hearts. I replied, ‘We are the disciples of the Mazloom Shah Guru. He was our father and our guru. Sinners have snatched away his crown and separated us from him and exiled us into the wilderness. Now he longs for us, while we are restless and yearn for a glimpse of his face. That is the truth of our faqeeri.’

“The Hindu began to cry when he heard our story and said to us, ‘Bahadur Shah was our father and guru but what could we do? It was Lord Ram’s will, and an innocent man was destroyed.’”

They lived in Mecca for several years before returning to Delhi.

“When we came back, the British government took pity on us and fixed a sum of ten rupees per month for us. I laughed at this pension. They had taken away my father’s empire and offered us ten rupees as compensation.

“But then I remembered, this land belongs to god and he gives it to whoever he wants and takes it as he pleases. Man can do nothing about that.”

Excerpted with permission from City Of My Heart: Accounts Of Love, Loss And Betrayal In Nineteenth-Century Delhi, Selected and Translated by Rana Safvi, Hachette India.

source: http://www.scroll.in / Scroll.in / Home> Book Excerpt / by Khwaja Hasan Nizami & Rana Safvi / November 01st, 2018

A Tribute to Badi Ammi: Educationist Mrs Fatima Anees

October 16, 2018Community Involvement / Social Issues, Education, Freedom Fighters (under research project)Anjuman Khairul Islam Girls High School - Mumbai, Asma Anjum Khan, Badi Ammi, Badi Ammi (aka) Fatima Anees, Fatima Anees, Fatima Anees - Educationist, Fatima Anees - Principal - Anjuman Khairul Islam Girls High School - Mumbai, First Muslim Woman to pass Matriculation from Sholapur City - Maharashtra - India, Ghafoor Anees, Husain Sahab Joshmpositiveone@gmail.com

Sholapur / Mumbai , MAHARASHTRA :

It seemed Badi Ammi was going to live forever. We were so used to her.

The shore that tells you to traipse along braving the storms, helps you comprehend your mess, allows you to walk over it, the rock you know is there to push you to learn to lean on your own shoulders and not anyone else’s, the proverbial friend philosopher and guide who shows you how to trudge along with your feet full of thorns, with a smile.

Meet Mrs Fatima Anees, educationist, columnist, Principal of Anjuman Khairul Islam Girls High School, Mumbai, who also happened to be the first Muslim woman to pass her matriculate from the city of Sholapur.

My Badi Ammi [Elder Mother] sister to my mother Qamar, passed away on August 6, at the age of eighty-five.

She was a unique kind of a human being. How many people do you find today, who literally can call out your bluff to your face? Would speak the bitterest of truth without mincing words and with extreme nonchalance? Would roll on burning coals whenever they saw injustice?

Mrs.Fatima Anees was all this and more.

Born in 1934, she was the eldest child. Her father Husain Sahab Josh, was a school headmaster, called Congressi Janab, with the white curved cap over his small head. Wrote patriotic verses and of the love of Imam Husain, and sent his four daughters to school in the early 40s.

Sending girls to school?

In the late thirties it was treason. For this ‘crime’ Mr Hussain Sahab Josh and his family were boycotted, communication was banned with the rebel family. No wedding invitations came their way. But Mr Hussain was a tough guy, he declared, I have four sons and one daughter, I am sending all my sons to school, what is your problem? He was referring to his four girls and a son. The freedom fighter was drunk on Gandhism, he wore khadi and Gandhi cap became his trademark. Simple living was something that came naturally. They had little money to speak of anyway!

But little girl Fatima would be apprehensive on her way to school. There she would make it a point to walk along with her teachers to enter and leave the classroom, to avoid being jeered. Soon a day came when she became the first female Muslim matriculate. Today, her name is taken with much pride. Whenever I see hordes of girls in blue chequered uniforms and two tight pony tails, leaving schools in the evenings, almost choking the roads, I smile almost instinctively and send a prayer for my Badi Ammi.

She was I think literally the one and only woman whom I never saw making usual complaints on and about in laws, and other relations. Never! She had faced hard times, a divorce and then widowhood at a rather young age. Despite this, have I ever seen her bickering about fate etc. No, absolutely no one heard her complain.

Oh, yes, but she would incessantly complain about how pot-holed the roads were, how injustice was being done to people and how one could better progress right and high, if one used one’s brain properly. Anyone commenting foolishly would be taken to task immediately.

She worked hard. Her daily rituals were quite elaborate. She would be up and about at 4 a.m. and washed sacks full of clothes. Her daughters pleaded her not to, but when it is Fatima Anees, it was hard to make her stray from the path, she had chosen for herself. She continued this 4.a.m. ritual until she fell down in her home, this March and got bedridden.

She was a damn interesting lady. The one quality that distinguished her from other ordinary mortals was her courage to speak the truth almost blatantly. She spared no excuses and no one to say what was necessary, to be said and which most of us shy away from uttering. It happened on a railway station, she is being asked to advise and welcome the new daughter in law in our family. She promptly begins to grumble , why is it that only women need to be advised? Then she turns around and tells the groom, her nephew, Be the best in your behaviour to your wife, repeating the Prophetic saying, “The best among you is the best to his wife”. The bewildered expression on the faces around still makes me giggle. The mother of the bride looked dumb struck for a prolonged minute.

When I lost my young daughter Sanaa’, she called me after a month. Listening perhaps to my forlorn voice, she chided, “Don’t you know how many children are being killed in Iraq? Don’t you mourn for them? What about those mothers who don’t even have the luxury of mourning?”

That was my Badi Ammi, her personal was always political. She was not capable of thinking selfishly and her pain was all encompassing.

Towards the end, she spent most of her time at home. Punctual to the core she reached on time even at the weddings! Last year, she decided to attend one and obviously was on time, the first to arrive at the empty hall. When the groom arrived, stopping his father, she gave an earful, on being ‘so’ late. Both looked sheepish but didn’t mind it. Everyone knew she was Fatima aapa, always expressive of her mind and could never hold it inside. We all knew her to be this way and never ever regretted her chidings. In fact we enjoyed such encounters. Her ‘anecdotes of truth’ have become part of our family folklore, relished each time we meet, and we have a huge repository of them!

Almost everyone in our family owed to her big way for some help or the other. Despite hardships, personal losses she raised her three daughters perfectly well as a single mother.[Her husband Mr.Ghafoor Anees who worked for TOI, had passed away when the kids were quite young.] she never had complaints on how she was doing it alone, no irritation, just a dedicated fervent desire to work and work some more. I have seen her writing her columns once she returned from school. Sitting on the sofa, with papers and books spread all over. Writing a column every week, with a job, raising three girls single handedly, and all the household work she preferred doing herself; can you even imagine?

What an enigma! And she did all this, nonchalantly, without making a fuss, without a word on how good she was at doing things.

She has left behind a huge legacy of education, of compassion, of the good work, and of speaking the truth, least bothered about the consequences. In fact she didn’t even understand consequence in her own innocent way.

source: http://www.caravandaily.com / Caravan / Home> Community / by Asma Anjum Khan / October 13th, 2018

Jemadar Abdul Hafiz VC ( Victoria Cross)

October 8, 2018Amazing Feats, Freedom Fighters (under research project), World OpinionAbdul Hafiz, Hamidah, Indian Muslim Soldier - Second World War, Indian Muslim Soldier - World War Two, Indian Muslim Soldier - WWII, Indian Muslim Soldiers in Second World War, Indian Muslim Soldiers in WW2, Jamedar Abdul Hafiz - VC, Jamedar Abdul Hafiz - Victoria Cross Awardee, Jemadar Abdul Hafiz, Jemadar Abdul Hafiz - 3rd Batallian - 9th Jat Regiment, Jemadar Abdul Hafiz - Indian Muslim Soldier - WW2, Jemadar Abdul Hafiz - Second World War - Soldier, Jigri Begum, Nur Muhammad, Rao Abdul Hafiz Khan - VC, Victoria Cross Awardee - Abdul Hafizmpositiveone@gmail.com

Kalanaur (Gurudaspur District), PUNJAB / (buried in Imphal, MANIPAL) :

Abdul Hafiz was born in Kalanaur Village in Punjab, India. His father name was Nur Muhammad and mother was Hamidan. He was married to Jigri Begum.

Jemadar Abdul Hafiz of 3/9 Jat won the Victoria Cross- the first Muslim soldier to do so in the Second World War ( Imphal, 1962). He won the VC in a feature named “Runaway Hill” which is located at the corner of the road leading to Isingthembi on the Pangei- Sagolmang Road (see map).

“He served with the 9th Jat Regiment with service number 11460. Jats are an ethnic group who follow a variety of religions. The Jat battalions were structured around two companies of Hindu Jats, one company of Punjabi Muslims and one company of Musulman Rajputs, a mix requiring not only good purely military leadership to ensure the respect of all but sensitivity for different cultures and beliefs”. (CWGC)

The 3rd Battalion, 9th Jat Regiment, was part of the 5th Indian Division during the Imphal campaign and at the time of this action were operating in the Nungshigum area to the north east of Imphal as part of a force advancing up the Litan road which was of strategic importance to both sides as it offered one of the few approaches to the Imphal plain. The attacks in and around Nungshigum Hill, of which Abdul Hafiz’s was one, continued until 13th April 1944 when the hill was finally captured.

Flag in the map showing the RUNAWAY HILL

According to War Diary dated 6th April 1944, 3rd battalion, 9th Jat Regiment,
” D Coys standing patrol the high ground at RK 420790 was driven offduring the night by thr enemy. At approx. 0930 hrs. D Coy counter attacked the enemy from the high ground killing at least 45-50 Japs and capturing a great deal of equipment. Our losses were 4 killed and 12 wounded including Major RITCHIE M.C. wounded. 1 Pl. B Coy supported by 1 tp of “HONEYS” did a sweep at approx 0900 hrs to the village ISINGTHEMBI RK 410800 where enemy had been reported- N.E.S.. 1 Pl. B Coy and the GR Pl at 1630 hrs ordered to NUNSHIGUM RK 4375 to take up a defensive posn”.

“It was by Runaway Hill that the Division’s third Victoria Cross was won. Before dawn on April 6, during this original encircling movement, at a time when we could not be sure when they would appear next, the Japanese attacked one of Colonel Gerty’s standing patrols. By driving the Jats off, they secured a hillock that overlooked the main company position. Jemadar Abdul. Hafiz was ordered to recapture the hill with two sections of his platoon.

After an artillery bombardment by Bastin’s 4th Field Regiment, Abdul Hafiz led his Jats in to the attack. They charged up the hillside that was bare of cover, shouting their war-cry as they neared the top. Then the waiting Japanese opened fire with machine-guns. On the approaching Jats they threw down grenades. Jemadar Abdul Hafiz was wounded at the outset. A bullet struck him in the leg. Yet he dashed forward and seized the enemy machine-gun by the barrel, while another Jat killed the Japanese gunner.

The Jemadar then took up a Bren gun dropped by one of his men who had fallen wounded, and notwithstanding the heavy fire from the enemy positions on this hill and on a feature to the flank, he shot a number of the Japanese soldiers. And so fiercely did he lead his men that the enemy ran away: hence the name Runaway Hill. But Jemadar Abdul Hafiz was mortally wounded in the chest, still grasping his Bren gun. To his men he shouted in his own language, “Reorganize! I will give you covering fire.” But he died,. without having been able to pull the trigger. He was awarded the Victoria Cross, posthumously, and was the first Muslim soldier to win this decoration in the Second World War” ( Ball of Fire – Antony Brett-James 1951) .

Geoffrey Evans and Antony Brett-James in their book “Imphal” give the account of how the feature got its name of Runaway Hill . ” Undaunted, Abdul Hafiz rushed forward as best he could and with supreme bravery seized the barrel of the machine gun while a second Jat Killed the gunner. That done, he saw a bren automatic which had been dropped by one of his wounded men, and picking it up without hesitation, he opened fire on the enemy to such effect that those whom he did not kill ran away as fast as they could. For this reason the hill became known as ‘Runaway Hill’, a name which it retained throughout the battle”.

His citation reads as follow:

The KING has been graciously pleased to approve the posthumous award of the VICTORIA CROSS to:–Jemadar Abdul Hafiz (11460), 9th. Jat Regiment, Indian Army.

In Burma, in the early hours of the 6th April, 1944, in the hills 10 miles North of Imphal, the enemy had attacked a standing patrol of 4 men and occupied a prominent feature overlooking a Company position. At first light a patrol was sent out and contacted the enemy, reporting that they thought approximately 40 enemy were in position. It was not known if they had dug in during the hours of darkness.

The Company Commander ordered Jemadar Abdul Hafiz to attack the enemy, with two sections from his platoon, at 0930 hours. An artillery concentration was put down on the feature and Jemadar Abdul Hafiz Khan led the attack. The attack was up a completely bare slope with no cover, and was very steep near the crest. Prior to the attack, Jemadar Abdul Hafiz assembled his sections and told them that they were invincible, and all the enemy on the hill would be killed or put to flight. He so inspired his men that from the start the attack proceeded with great dash.

When a few yards below the crest the enemy opened fire with machine-guns and threw grenades. Jemadar Abdul Hafiz sustained several casualties, but immediatetly ordered an assault, which he personally led, at the same time shouting the Mohammedan battle-cry. The assault went in without hesitation and with great dash up the last few yards of the hill, which was very steep. On reaching the crest Jemadar Abdul Hafiz was wounded in the leg, but seeing a machine-gun firing from a flank, which had already caused several casualties, he immediately went towards it and seizing the barrel pushed it upwards, whilst another man killed the gunner.

Jemadar Abdul Hafiz then took a Bren gun from a wounded man and advanced against the enemy, firing as he advanced, and killing several of the enemy. So fierce was the attack, and all his men so inspired by the determination of Jemadar Abdul Hafiz to kill all enemy in sight at whatever cost, that the enemy, who were still in considerable numbers on the position, ran away down the opposite slope of the hill. Regardless of machine-gun fire which was now being fired at him from another feature a few hundred yards away, he pursued the enemy, firing at them as they retired.

Jemadar Abdul Hafiz was badly wounded in the chest from this machine-gun fire and collapsed holding the Bren gun and attempting to fire at the retreating enemy, and shouting at the same time “Re-organise on the position and I will give covering fire.” He died shortly afterwards.

The inspiring leadership and great bravery displayed by Jemadar Abdul Hafiz in spite of having been twice wounded, once mortally, so encouraged his men that the position was captured, casualties inflicted on the enemy to an extent several times the size of his own party, and enemy arms recovered on the position which included 3 Lewis Machine-guns, 2 grenade dischargers and 2 officers’ swords. The complete disregard for his own safety and his determination to capture and hold the position at all costs was an example to all ranks, which it would be difficult to equal.—( London Gazette. Issue 36627, 25th July 1944 ).

The Victoria Cross and Campaign medals awarded to Jemadar Abdul Hafiz, 3rd Bn, 9th Jat Regiment, Indian Army, have been acquired by the Michael Ashcroft Trust, the holding institution for Lord Ashcroft’s VC Collection.

Abdul Hafiz is today laid buried at Imphal Indian War Cemetery at Hatta Minuthong, Imphal. His Grave number is 3. Q. 2. He was 25 years of age when he died on 6th April 1944

source: http://www.e-pao.net / E-Pao / Home> Manipur> History of Manipur> Historical War Manipur / by Rajeshwor Yumnam / May 18th, 2015

In a masjid during a mutiny

September 21, 2018Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders, Travel & TourismAkbarabadi Begum, Anjuman Rashidin Sulah e Kul Islamia, Basheeruddin Ahmed, Basheeruddin Ahmed - Book 'Waqeat e Darul Hukumat Delhi ', Begum Ka Bagh built by Jahanara Begum, Chandni Chowk, Fatehpur Mosque, Fatehpuri Begum, Fatehpuri Mosque, Jahanara Begum, Khari Baoli, Shahjahanabad, Sirhindi Begummpositiveone@gmail.com

NEW DELHI :

In 1857, the mosque built by Shah Jahan’s wife was confiscated by the British

When the city of Shahjahanabad was being built by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan, his wives and daughter were also involved — they built mosques, markets and sarais to embellish the city.

The emperor’s daughter, Jahanara Begum, was the most prolific, and is best known for building the famous Chandni Chowk (moonlit square), a sarai or inn for travellers, and a beautiful garden known as Begum Ka Bagh.

The road to the mosque

Shah Jahan’s wives — Akbarabadi Begum, Sirhindi Begum and Fatehpuri Begum — built mosques in 1650 CE. The Fatehpuri mosque built by Fatehpuri Begum was aligned to the Red Fort — more specifically, to the Diwan-e-Am via the Naqqar khana (drum house) and Lahori Gate. Nobles who came to the court of the public audience had to dismount here and walk up to the court. As this was inconvenient for them, Aurangzeb had a barbican built in front of the Fort’s Lahori Darwaza so that they could dismount closer to it. Shah Jahan, who was then under house arrest in Agra Fort, sent a note to his son saying that the beautiful bride (Qila) had now been veiled.

The road from Fatehpuri mosque to the Fort passed through Chandni Chowk and Urdu Bazar (the original Urdu Bazar was located in front of the Lahori Gate till part of present day Chandi Chowk) and was lined with trees and flowers. These were cut in the beginning of the 20th century. Basheeruddin Ahmed, the writer of Waqeat e Dar ul Hukumat Dehli (1919), lamented that “the trees on both sides of the road provided solace to the inhabitants in the severe Delhi heat with its summer wind, the loo, in which the eagle abandons the eggs and deer become dark.” Today, when you go from the Red Fort to Fatehpuri mosque at the end of Chandni Chowk, you have to navigate your way through the nightmarish traffic, carts with goods, rickshaw-pullers, e-rickshaws, salesmen calling out to passers-by, and busy shoppers.

Crowded outside, peaceful inside

The mosque is next to the Khari Baoli, or spice market, so the entrance is always crowded. However, once inside the masjid, you realise that you’re in a different world — a world in which you feel a sense of peace and which is in stark contrast to the scenes outside.

Apart from the main entrance in the east, there are two other doorways — one in the north and the other in the south. With their arched entrances and parapets, these doorways have obviously seen better days. Shops outside flank them.

In the courtyard, the first thing that catches the eye is the lovely white dome with its longitudinal green stripes and green lotus finial. A masonry finial crowns it. Though the dome is made not of marble but red sandstone, it has been plastered so perfectly that it gives the impression of being made from marble when seen from afar. Red battlemented parapets run all along the roof in front of the dome.

The mosque, too, is built of red sandstone. Its unique feature is that it is the only medieval mosque with a single dome, flanked by two 80 ft tall minarets on both sides.

The mosque is built on a plinth of 3.5 ft. In the centre is a lofty archway with two wings which have three scalloped arches on each side. The central mihrab (in the direction of the qibla) is deep and high, and gives a beautiful appearance to the interior of the mosque. The pulpit next to the mihrab is the only piece of marble in the mosque. A mukabbir, or platform, was added in front of the main arch later, so that the imam’s words could be repeated from there and reach all those gathered in the courtyard.

There is a huge oblong tank for ablution in the courtyard that used to be fed by the famous Faiz Nahar (canal) in the Mughal era. A red sandstone enclosure next to it has graves of religious leaders who lived, prayed and taught in the mosque. There are galleries, with rooms on the ends on both sides.

From 1857 till today

The Indian sepoys, or ‘rebels’ as the British called them, who had risen up against the East India Company in 1857 had used this mosque. After the fall of Delhi in September that year, the mosque was confiscated by the British, and the courtyard, galleries and arcades on the three sides were put up for auction. As the dispossessed and displaced Muslims of Delhi post-1857 were in no position to buy it, Lala Chunnamal, a rich merchant of Delhi, bought it at the cost of ₹29,000.

In 1873, Anjuman Rashidin Sulah e Kul Islamia applied for return of the mosque. The British government agreed and tried to buy it back, but Lala Chunnamal refused. In 1877, the British offered an increased amount as well as four villages and bought it back from Lala Chunnamal’s son and restored it to the Muslims of the city. The masjid was brought back into use as a masjid, and remains so till today.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Opinion> Columns / by Rana Safvi / September 16th, 2018

A forgotten freedom fighter

September 9, 2018Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Karnataka (under research project), LeadersDr. Shakira Khanum, Dr. Shakira Khanum - Al Ameen Degree College - Bengaluru, Freedom Fighter Muslim Vellori, Indian Freedom Fighter Mohammed Abdul Wahid Khan, Indian Freedom Fighter Muslim Vellori, Indian Muslim Freedom Figher Mohammed Abdul Wahid Khan, Indian Muslim Freedom Fighter Muslim Vellori, Mohammed Abdul Wahid Khan, Mohammed Abdul Wahid Khan (aka) Muslim Vellori, Muslim Vellori, Shakira Khanummpositiveone@gmail.com

Ganjam(near Srirangapatna) – Bengaluru, KARNATAKA :

Muslim Vellori, a prominent but not so well-known freedom fighter, did not restrict his public role to the freedom struggle but also played a prominent role in social service

The name of Muslim Vellori does not ring a bell now, but for an older generation of Bangaloreans, particularly Muslims in the city, that name is remembered with a sort of awe as he was a valiant freedom fighter. Born Mohammed Abdul Wahid Khan in 1883 in Ganjam near the historic town of Srirangapatna, Khan grew up to be known as ‘Muslim Vellori’ as he spent most of his childhood studying in a madrasa (Islamic seminary) in Vellore. Even though his father was in the army, Vellori grew up to develop an aggressive anti-British sentiment.

Vellori began working in a shipping company owned by his relatives in Bombay (now Mumbai) after completing his studies in Vellore. His granddaughter Dr. Shakira Khanum, who now teaches in Al-Ameen College, recalled an incident that Vellori had narrated to her. “Once, in Bombay, a Britisher made fun of his beard. My grandfather, who hated the British, was so livid that he almost shot the man,” said Khanum. Working in a shipping company at the time also ensured that he was among the few privileged Indians who could travel as his work took him beyond the shores of India. Vellori travelled to Burma, Sumatra and Java (now part of Indonesia), Mauritius, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), Madagascar and to several cities in the Middle East. It was during his travels that he met Mahatma Gandhi in Durban. Gandhi and Vellori supposedly became quite close and the former had a formative influence on Vellori’s life.

As Vellori came of age, he came to acquire a reputation of being a fiery orator and through the course of his life took part in many anti-colonial struggles all over the country. He is particularly remembered for his role during the Khilafat movement (1919-1922) where he met many prominent freedom fighters including Mahatma Gandhi, the Ali brothers: Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Saifuddin Kitchlew. Even the great poet Mohammed Iqbal is supposed to have lauded him for his passionate speeches when he exhorted the audience to support the Khilafat movement in Mumbai. Vellori was jailed several times for his provocative speeches and was even incarcerated in Bangalore Central Jail between 1924 and 1927. Even in prison, he is supposed to have been a recalcitrant internee and often questioned the authority of the jailers.

Vellori did not restrict his public role to the freedom struggle but also played a prominent role in social service. He raised funds to found orphanages in Mysore (now Mysuru) and Cuddapah (now Kadapa). Considering that he was close to several Congress leaders in the state and was recognised as a prominent Muslim leader who staunchly opposed the two-nation theory, he was nominated to the Mysore Legislative Council and was a member in the 1950s during the chief ministership of Kengal Hanumanthaiah. In later years, Jawaharlal Nehru called on him when he visited the state. Towards, the end of his long life Vellori became bitter as he was marginalised by the state leadership of the Indian National Congress and was ignored by the Muslims of the state who no longer felt that he was a suitable leader. An early resident of Jayanagar, Vellori died on Oct. 31, 1977.

(Information for this article has been gleaned from a short booklet published by Vellori’s granddaughter, Dr. Shakira Khanum, who teaches Hindi at Al-Ameen Degree College in Bangalore. Dr. Khanum has also painstakingly collected much of the supporting evidence for her grandfather’s illustrious life including a letter from Tulsidas Jadhav, who was Gandhi’s secretary briefly, attesting to Vellori’s close connections with the father of the freedom movement.)

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Society> History & Culture / by Vikhar Ahgmed Sayeed / August 02nd, 2018

Book on role of Muslims in freedom movement

September 9, 2018Books (incl.Biographies - w.e.f.01 jan 2018 ), Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project)Book 'Role of Muslims in Freedom Struggle', Book 'Role of Muslims in Freedom Struggle' by Institute of Objective Studies - New Delhi, Dr. J. Raja Mohammed - Assistant Director of Government Museums, Dr. J.Raja Mohammed, J. Raja Mohammedmpositiveone@gmail.com

Trichy, TAMIL NADU :

To commemorate 150th year of `Sepoy Mutiny’

Tiruchi :

To commemorate the celebrations of 150th year of the `Sepoy Mutiny’ described by historians as the first war of Independence in India, the Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi, will bring out next year, a book on the `Role of Muslims in Freedom Struggle’ focussing on the participation of freedom fighters belonging to the Muslim community in various struggles and their contribution in making our country free from the clutches of the British rule.

Divided into six chapters, the book will narrate the sacrifice of Muslims all over the country. Each chapter pertains to a cluster of the then Presidencies comprising a few states.

A team of professors and research assistants, led by one author, has been working on the book, identifying the descendants of Muslims who had participated in the freedom struggle.

The sixth chapter comprises three States, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. Details about contribution to the cause of freedom movement by Muslim freedom fighters hailing from these States are now being compiled by J. Raja Mohammed, former Assistant Director of Government Museums.

“I adopt a four-pronged strategy for compiling the data and details about the freedom fighters. Interviewing the family members, collection of details from the Madras Achieves, verification of fortnightly reports sent to the British Collectors between 1857 and 1947, and above all press clippings from newspapers including The Hindu , The Mail and Swadesamitran and a few Muslim journals, to present an authentic chapter in the book,” Dr. Raja Mohamed told The Hindu here on Wednesday

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> News> National> Tamil Nadu / by M. Balaganessin / March 23rd, 2006

Tinsel-edged memories: glory days of Central Talkies in Tiruchi

September 8, 2018Arts, Culture & Entertainment, Freedom Fighters (under research project), Leaders'Gandhi Market Arch' Trichy Gifted by A. Mohamed Hussain, A. Mohamed Hussain, A.M. Shahul Hameed - Film Producer - Theatre Owner, Central Talkies - Trichy, Freedom Fighter A. Mohamed Hussain, Hameedia Rice Mill - Trichy, Khan Bahadur A.M. Shahul Hameed, S. Rahimampositiveone@gmail.com

Trichy, TAMIL NADU :

Remembering the past S Rahima, daughter of A M Shahul Hameed. | Photo Credit: M MOORTHY

A film industry stalwart’s daughter recalls the glory days of Central Talkies in Tiruchi

The glossy reprints on S Rahima’s bed are all that remain of a golden era that once defined her life as the daughter of film producer and theatre owner AM Shahul Hameed. The black-and-white pictures, taken in shooting spots and actors’ homes, hark back to a time when the sheen of show business was cemented by real relationships.

For movie buffs in Tiruchi, Central Talkies on Eda Street, Gandhi Market, once used to be the theatre to catch big banner productions of the day.

Started by Shahul Hameed in 1947, the 22,000 square foot complex opened for business with Payithiyakaran, the Tamil film produced by and starring N S Krishnan, the actor’s first assignment after his acquittal in the Lakshmikanthan murder case.

“My father was already constructing the theatre when he was running his rice business in the 1940s,” says Rahima. “Everything, from equipment to seating, was imported from England.”

Shahul Hameed also marketed films through his company called Central Talkies Distributors.

“He was the sole distributor of the 1958 Hindi film Madhumati in Tamil Nadu (starring Dilip Kumar and Vyjayanthimala Bali). He screened it at a special matinee show for the family in Central Talkies. Madhumati ran for over 100 days in the State, without dubbing,” says Ms Rahima.

Philanthropists

Shahul Hameed was the son of A Mohamed Hussain, a freedom fighter and prominent syrup merchant in Gandhi Market. Interestingly, though partially obscured by encroachments, it is still possible to see a plaque with Hussain named as the benefactor who gifted the Gandhi Market arch to the city of Tiruchi in 1928.

A.M. Shahul Hamid, movie producer and theatre owner, in an official portrait after receiving the Khan Bahadur title from Lord Mountbatten in 1945. | Photo Credit: SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT

Son Shahul Hameed made his name as a rice merchant, with his Hameedia Rice Mill based in Ariyamangalam. “Like my grandfather, my father was a philanthropist who would readily donate to any worthy public cause,” says Rahima, who is one of seven children born to Shahul Hameed’s second wife.

“He was honoured for his services to the British Government during the Second World War with the title of Khan Bahadur and a gold medal by [the last Viceroy of India] Lord Mountbatten in 1945.”

After Independence, then-Prime Minister Jawaharalal Nehru lauded Shahul Hameed’s generous donation of several truckloads of rice to the Indian troops fighting the Indo-Chinese war in 1962.

Central Talkies also brought the merchant into contact with prominent Indian film personalities.

“Quite early on, my father had gained a reputation as a saviour of films that were stuck in production due to financial problems,” says Rahima. “He helped TR Ramanna to successfully complete the production of Koondukili (1954), and Chinnappa Thevar’s Thaikkupin Tharam (1956), but only as a friendly gesture. Father never indulged in moneylending, because it is against our religious beliefs,” she says.

Becoming a producer

In 1962, Shahul Hameed helped actor-director AP Nagarajan with money to complete the shooting of his directorial debut Vadivukku Valaikappu, starring Sivaji Ganesan, Savitri, VK Ramasamy, MN Rajam and others.

After much persuasion, Shahul Hameed eventually agreed to Nagarajan’s request to produce the film Navarathri in 1964.

“All the stars were signed on for a salary of ₹3 lakhs each,” remembers Rahima. “In those days, you could buy a bungalow for ₹1 lakh in Thillai Nagar.”

A landmark 100th film for Sivaji Ganesan, the movie earned positive reviews for the nine distinct roles essayed by the thespian. It was subsequently remade in Telugu in 1966 with the same title and Akkineni Nageswara Rao in the lead, and in Hindi in 1974 as Naya Din Nayi Raat with Sanjeev Kumar.

Tragedy strikes

The success of Navarathri led to Nagarajan proposing his next film, a mythological, to be produced by Shahul Hameed, in 1965. Originally advertised as Siva-Leela, this was to be later renamed as Thiruvilaiyadal.

“These days, people would probably object to a Muslim producing a Hindu mythological film, but my father never let class or creed affect his friendships,” says Rahima. “He took a personal interest in the film’s production.”

Inspired by the Thiruvilaiyadal Puranam, a collection of 64 Saivite devotional stories written in the 16th century, the film was a critical and commercial success, running for over 25 weeks in theatres.

But it also had a thread of tragedy attached to it, for this was to be Shahul Hameed’s last production.

“A few days after the completion of filming, my father fell sick due to a heart ailment, and passed away on May 20, 1965, at the age of 58. It was as if the light went out of our life immediately,” says Rahima.

Finale

While Thiruvilaiyadal did well, winning awards and setting new standards for Tamil epic films, the lives of Shahul Hameed’s family members were thrown into turmoil.

“My husband Mohamed Kasim had been running the Central Talkies on lease on behalf of my father. Though we initially had a good run, with major films releasing here, my husband was unable to sustain the business due to rising rents,” says Rahima.

Mounting debts forced Shahul Hameed’s heirs to close down Central Talkies in 1983. The complex was sold in 1993.

“The trauma of losing Central Talkies affected my husband’s mental health badly, and he was confined to bed for 18 years,” says Rahima, who nursed him until his death on August 29, 2002.

Living in dire straits in rented accommodation near the Airport, Rahima, now a 70-year-old who suffers from age-related ailments, is supporting an adult son with neurological problems. Protracted property disputes have estranged her from her relatives, says Rahima.

The days of glittering movie premieres are a distant memory. Finding money to pay the bills is a daily challenge for this senior citizen.

source: http://www.thehindu.com / The Hindu / Home> Entertainment> Movies / by Nahla Nainar / August 31st, 2018

10 Muslim Freedom Fighters Who Fought For India’s Independence

August 26, 2018Amazing Feats, Community Involvement / Social Issues, Freedom Fighters (under research project), LeadersAbbas Ali, Bakht Khan, Dr.Zakir Hussain, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Mazharul Haque, Mohammad Abdur Rahiman, Muslim Freedom Fighters of India, Muzaffar Ahmed, Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Quadrimpositiveone@gmail.com

Ironically, in our present day India, even freedom fighters are judged on the basis of their religion. Many people believe Muslims didn’t contribute to India’s Independence from the British rule. To make it worse, there are not many sources available that disclose Muslims’ contribution to India’s Independence.

To break the myth of every person who believes Muslims have given no contribution to India’s history, we have tried to come up with a list of 11 Muslim fighters who fought for India’s Independence and are still present somewhere in India’s history.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

One of the greatest freedom fighters of India, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, is our first name of Muslim Freedom Fighters. His service to the nation didn’t just stop after India became independent, he continued serving India till his last breath. He first took part in India’s Independence aged just 16. In his second stint as Congress President, He started the Quit India Movement. He was the first education minister of India. He was conferred a Bharat Ratna in the year 1922. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, after serving the country for over 50 years, breathed his last on 22 February 1958.

Dr. Zakir Husain

Another Bharat Ratna awardee, Dr. Zakir Husain was the third president of independent India and also the first Muslim president of India. He was a stern follower of Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence policies. He believed that education was essential to make the Indian youth capable of fighting against the British and thus focused on empowering the education system. He acted as the Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia for 22 years (1926-48) and made it one of the finest educational institute of India. He died on 3 May 1969 becoming the first Indian president to die on duty.

Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Quadri

A forgotten hero of India’s freedom struggle, Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Quadri is included in our list for his supreme acts of nobility. He joined India’s freedom struggle during the Salt Satyagraha movement in 1930. He ably supported Mahatma Gandhi in every struggle and was imprisoned in the same cell as Mahatma Gandhi. Even after independence, he stayed away from politics and still continued to contribute his bit to the nation. He died on 30 December 2015, at the age of 114, 8 years after getting awarded with a Padma Bhushan.

Bakht Khan

Hailing from Bijnor district of Uttar Pradesh, Bakht Khan was a major part of the rebellion of 1857. An experienced army-man, Bakht Khan served as a Subedar in the Army of East India Company. Bakht Khan took command of the rebel forces. He lacked ammunitions, food and other necessities and still managed to improve the standard of rebellion forces drastically. His strong and powerful rebellion activities prompted the British rulers to launch a man hunt. In May of 1859, the British had their prime target, Bakht Khan, shot dead.

Muzaffar Ahmed

Born in the present day Bangladesh, Muzaffar Ahmed initiated a magazine Navayug to promote the nationalist feeling amongst the Indian youth. He was one of the founders of the communist party of India. He was jailed several times for his involvement in various conspicuous deaths of British officers. The headquarters of Communist Party Of India in Kolkata is named after him. He died in Kolkata in the year 1973.

Mohammad Abdur Rahiman

Born in the Thrissur district of Kerala in the year 1898, Mohammad Abdur Rahiman was known for his heroics in restoring peace in the riot affected areas of 1921. He was jailed for two years for the same. He practised Salt Satyagraha and was again sentenced for rigorous imprisonment for 7 months. He mobilised the Muslim masses against the two nation theory of Muslim league Party. Soon after addressing a public meeting at Kodiyathur on 23 November 1945, he breathed his last.

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Known as ‘Frontier Gandhi’, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was one of the major reasons behind the Britishers leaving India. He pioneered the famous Khudai Khidmatgar (“Servants of God”) movement in 1929 and it successfully guided it to its Destiny. After independence, he opposed the partition of India but failed. He moved to Pakistan and started a movement for a separate Baloch province. He was jailed many times for the same cause. He died in 1988. During that period, a war was going on between the Afghani rebels and soviet forces. However, both sides halted their proceedings to lend a tribute to this legend.

Abbas Ali

Inspired by Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad, Abbas Ali joined the Indian freedom movement in his teenage after completing his education. He joined the Indian National Army (INA) or the ‘Azad Hind Fauj’ and was subsequently court-martialled and sentenced to death. However, before he could serve his punishment, India attained independence and Abbas was eventually set free. He was in jail for over 50 times all throughout his life and stayed in jail for 19 months when Indira Gandhi imposed the emergency. He died on 11 October 2014 due to a heart failure.

Asaf Ali

When tons and tons of freedom fighters were getting jailed everyday, Asaf Ali stepped up and fought their legal battles to bail them out. He was even jailed alongside Jawaharlal Nehru. He participated in the ‘Quit India Movement’ and did everything he could for helping India achieve independence. On 1 April 1953, Asaf Ali died in Bern (Switzerland) while serving as India’s representative. A postal stamp was issued in his honour in 1989.

Maulana Mazharul Haque

Born in Patna district of Bihar on 22 December 1886, Maulana Mazharul Haque was known for his his social works during the famine of 1897. He became the Vice Chairman of Bihar Congress Committee and started taking part in the freedom struggle. He played a major role in making the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements and the Champaran Satyagraha a success. He died in January 1930 before which he donated every single bit of his property for encouraging education. In his honour, in April 1988, the Maulana Mazharul Haque Arabic and Persian University was founded at Patna.

Not just these 10, there are many many more of such brave souls who fought for their nation while being active followers of Islam. Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Moulvi Mohammad Baqir, Vakkom Majeed and many more names can be added to this list.

Yes patriotism is a religion in itself and tagging it with another religion is completely unacceptable. Do let us know if you know about other such Muslim Freedom Fighters in our comments section below.

source: http://www.rvcj.com / RVCJ / Home> Extras / by Kashif Sheikh / February 13th, 2017